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SISSANO 


MOVEMENTS OF MIGRATION WITHIN 
AND THROUGH MELANESIA 


BY 
WILLIAM CHURCHILL 


UNives 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY 














THe CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON 
WasHINcTOoN, 1916 / 





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PuBLICATION No. 244 


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CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER I. Sources of Melanesian Material 
II. The Sissano Community...... 

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IV. Melanesian Annotations.on the 


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V. Indonesian Annotations on the Vocabulary............. 


VI. Geography of the Migrations. . 


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SISSANO 


MOVEMENTS OF MIGRATION WITHIN 
AND THROUGH MELANESIA 


BY 
WILLIAM CHURCHILL 


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CHAPTER I. 
SOURCES OF MELANESIAN MATERIAL. 


In the course of our investigations into the anthropogeography of 
the Pacific area we are soon brought to recognize that, while a certain 
thread is drawn through the varying patterns of the fabric, the quality 
of our information varies widely in the several districts into which 
that area has been grouped. From a motive of merely temporary 
convenience it will be'just as well to revive from the older systems of 
geography the once familiar designation ‘‘Oceanica,’’ which was 
added as a sort of supplement to the list of the continents of the 
world. When first employed the term was intended to gather up all 
the minor units of the Pacific and adjacent Asiatic sea, so that no part 
of the earth’s surface might escape the ritual ceremony of being 
bounded on the north by this and on the south by that other, and of 
having a capital situated on such and such river. The mind cramped 
in youth by that sort of geography—I believe that the thin and very 
Square volume covered in slaty blue paper decorated with the whole 
world reduced to a pair of pancake twins bore the name of one Mon- 
teith—finds the real geography, the kind that lies at the back of 
beyond, quite unorthodox. 

It has been given me to find no little geography of the sort which 
one approaches with sails close-trimmed to a steady trade-wind 
breeze, which comes upon the sight as first a mere notch upon the 
horizon in a negative manner of distant vision, then appears a blue 
cloud which turns to green slopes and mountain peaks arising from 
the ring of coral and the ever-dancing circlet of thunderous foam. In 
such geography I confess a particular fondness for Bougainville of 
the Solomons, the island which should be the particular habitat of 
the Bougainvillea, but is not, since no one has arisen to provide a 
synoptic relation between botany and geography. I have coasted 
Bougainville through all its length, I have penetrated its interior a 
dozen miles and thought myself lucky that I could retrace exactly 
the miles of my inward path from a people who incline to extend a 
somewhat pressing invitation to dinner in which the relation of guest 
to viand is quite simply stated in terms of gastronomy. Fond as I 
am of Bougainville, the influence of a now remote Monteith has 
been so strongly set in grain that I find myself apologetic because 
this so shudderingly delightful island of my fancy has no capital upon 
any river, nothing whatever which can be committed to memory as 
metropolis. A charming land, but geographically incomplete. 

Monteith’s Oceanica, as I find myself forced to remember it, began 
at Sumatra and ended at Sala y Gomez. It included between the 


western S and the eastern S, a decoration which suggests the collar 
1 


2 SISSANO. 


of SS which lord mayors wear in London at Guildhall dinners, all of 
Indonesia, all of Melanesia, all of Polynesia, all of Micronesia, the 
grand divisions which now are found better to serve our purpose and 
which have generally cast old Océanica into the storehouse of waste 
timber of geography. ‘Two of these oceanic divisions have been very 
satisfactorily studied. In Indonesia we have reasonably complete 
acquaintance with a dominant race which shows considerable uni- 
formity throughout its subdivisions. In Polynesia we find the same 
condition. In each area we discover certain contamination elements 
which offer but slight problems to the ethnologist; as between the 
two areas we find a thread of union by which the older students of 
systematic ethnology were led into error, but which we now employ 
as a valuable clue for our guidance through the maze of a folk-move- 
ment for which we have no documents. Micronesia has its own set 
of problems, very interesting and seemingly very intricate when we 
pass beyond the thread of Polynesia and Indonesia; but the equa- 
torial groups of sun-baked islands are not to engage our attention in 
the present studies. 

Melanesia, with which we are to deal, lies between Indonesia and 
Polynesia. Either it connects or it parts those two of the four great 
oceanic divisions which we have indicated as set upon a satisfactory 
basis of knowledge. Upon the charts it is seen to begin at or in the 
vicinity of New Guinea; its southern point is at the Isle of Pines, 
lying in the New Caledonian complex; its eastern limit is in Fiji. It 
is subdivided, not ethnically but rather as a result of the slow progress 
of discovery, into the Fiji Islands, New Caledonia, the Loyalty Islands, 
the New Hebrides, the Santa Cruz Group, the Solomons, the Bismarck 
Archipelago, the Admiralty Islands. 

It is important that we fix in mind what is the present stage of our 
information as to Melanesia, for when we refer to Melanesia in our 
studies and use the descriptive adjective Melanesian it is essential 
that we have a full appreciation of what its connotation really is. The 
fact that all these names of the grand divisions of Oceanica are formed 
on the same model, that they come into mind almost as a paradigm 
of a single stem, makes it particularly important that we shall inform 
ourselves as to whether Melanesia and Melanesian really carry the 
same weight of meaning as Indonesia and Polynesia, as Indonesian 
and Polynesian. 

Geographically we are well informed upon Melanesia. Its dis- 
covery history is as good as that of Polynesia. All the great adven- 
turers of the Pacific have included the two in their explorations of the 
South Sea. We have the records of Quiros and Mendafia, of Cook, 
of Bougainville, of Dumont d’Urville, and it is within this area that 
La Pérouse met his fate. In more recent years, since Wilkes set the 
pace in his masterly mapping of Fiji and its reefs, the navies of Ger- 


SOURCES OF MELANESIAN MATERIAL. 3 


many, France, and Great Britain have interrupted the tedium of guard 
service with the accurate determination of geographic positions. 

In the second line of knowledge, the intensive study of individual 
communities in their social life, Melanesia falls far below the other 
divisions. A beginning has been made; we have Prebendary Cod- 
rington’s somewhat diffuse work, Parkinson’s careful account of thirty 
years in St. George’s Channel of the Bismarck Archipelago, Rivers’s 
brilliant study of the social units of the New Hebrides, a few records 
of missionary endeavor in one of the straitest sects which may yield 
to wearisome search scanty glimpses of the life of Melanesian folk. 
From these sources we derive important information on the cultural 
history of the several peoples, but there is by no means sufficient 
information on which to base more than the most cursory com- 
parative study. We have still less information in the domain of 
anthropometry; the records are few and so scattered over the area 
that we are far from a conspectus; the most that we can derive from 
their comparison is the recognition of the possibility that more than 
one race is included within the designation of Melanesians. 

Until our knowledge of Melanesia has been brought to a higher 
stage, the chief reliance in our studies must rest upon the linguistic 
record. Of course this is not to be considered final in the determina- 
tion of race and affinity, but it is so much the best material available 
that we are justified in utilizing its data for the establishment of com- 
parative investigation. Yet even here our knowledge of Melanesia is 
of very unequal advancement. We find three stages clearly marked. 
In the first we have discovery records—imore or less scanty collections 
of words gathered by explorers; in the second stage we have works 
which purport to be dictionaries of a few languages; in the third are 
the essays which assume to state the problems of Melanesian philology 
and in some sort to solve them. 

Since our study of Melanesians must, as already set forth, rest 
most largely upon the speech record and the use which we make of it, 
it is essential that we pass under more detailed review these three 
several stages, in order that we may evaluate the records and estimate 
the importance which each may possess in our work. 

The first, the discovery record, need not detain us here. In this 
monograph we are to subject to intimate examination the discovery 
record of one new-found language, and we shall find it advantageous 
to include the general consideration with the particular examination 
of the discovery of the Sissano. We note, however, as an essential 
preliminary, that such works as Codrington’s “ Melanesian Languages”’ 
and Ray’s report on the languages of Torres Straits are at bottom 
discovery records. 

In the second, the vocabulary or dictionary stage, we are to find 
our best material, for each of these works purports to be such a gram- 


4 SISSANO. 


mar and dictionary of the language with which it deals as may equip 
the stranger to speak it.’ In the scholastic idiom the words vocab- 
ulary and dictionary connote generally a physical difference in size, 
a third degree of space being introduced with the term lexicon. In 
this connotation the best of the Melanesian dictionaries occupies 
no more space than is required of a vocabulary, nor is there any such 
breadth of treatment of the individual vocables as would serve to 
raise the work into dictionary dignity. 

In this class we find so-called dictionaries of the Fijian (a speech 
at least half Polynesian), of Efaté, of Mota, of Aneityum, all of south- 
ern Melanesia. Then after a long interval we find a dictionary of 
the Pala, of the Tami, of the Bongu in the German possession of New 
Guinea and the Bismarck Archipelago. The extent of these vocabu- 
laries is a function of the condition out of which they arise, the need 
which is recognized by the white man of superior culture to commu- 
nicate with the inferior black in terms of such speech as is or as may 
be made comprehensible to him. 

To satisfy this need the white man resident in Melanesia subjects 
the Melanesian to an alien speech, or else he devotes his attention to 
the acquisition of some acquaintance with the Melanesian speech with 
whose speakers he has elected to cast his lot. So far as this relates 
to the Melanesian the controlling circumstance lies in the attitude of 
the white man. If the newcomer regards the Melanesian as sheaves 
to be garnered, the result is the painful acquisition of Melanesian 
speech and ultimately a system of grammar and a dictionary; if, on 
the other hand, he regards the Melanesian as the garnerer of sheaves 
in an industrial as opposed to a pietistic sense, there results the jargon, 
the now familiar Beach-la-Mar. Commerce, industry, plantation life 
employ the jargon as a lingua franca for readiness of communication 
in a complex of mutually incomprehensible tongues; missionary 
endeavor sets before itself the task of codifying so much of the speech 
in which it engages its efforts as may serve to make a means of estab- 
lishing the sacred text on a plane of communicability, and in addition 
so much more of the vernacular as may serve the ends of exposition 
and the no less important end of securing the welfare of the missionary. 
This somewhat rigid adhesion to the ideas which inhere in the Bible 
and to the words necessary to communicate them have had a tendency 
to limit the extent of the printed vocabularies of Melanesia. Fairly rep- 
resentative of the vocabulary of this type is the dictionary of Mota, 
with about 5,000 entries, the learned authors having been at pains 
to explain that it does not purport to be exhaustive. In the northern 
area of Melanesia we are pleased to observe that the German mis- 
sionaries have compiled vocabularies more instinct with the genius 
of the speech and less narrowly confined to their specific, and what 
may fairly be described as professional, needs. 


SOURCES OF MELANESIAN MATERIAL. 5 


Since we have mentioned the numerical sum of one of the diction- 
aries of Melanesia, we may properly give passing consideration to the 
size of the vocabulary of these savages. From time to time it has 
interested popular fancy to compute the average vocabulary of the 
lower classes in our civilization. "There seems to have been in this 
amusement no particular precision in the establishment of what shall 
be regarded as a vocabulary unit to be counted. In general it has 
been proposed that the English hind—for in the United States a more 
rigid compulsion in elementary education is operative against these 
speculations—has a working vocabulary of not much beyond a thou- 
sand vocables, and by increments of 500 at each step the higgler, the 
small tradesman, and the tinker, who is always an outland man and 
increases culture by voyaging along the broad highway, may attain 
to the high sum of 2,500 words with which to traffic in the affairs of 
life as it presents itself to him. Be this as it may, and it is scarcely 
worth our while to regard the speculation as other than curious, the 
condition among the Melanesian savages is radically different. He 
knows no social gradation of education; in his society there is no dis- 
tinction between the learned and the uncouth; in effect, that which 
anyone knows is known by all; the only difference in vocabulary is 
that which must exist between the inexperience of youth and the 
stores of the aged and which reaches its highest point in a few very 
ancient men who retain names of former customs which have passed 
out of use in the advance of progress. We have seen that the Mota 
dictionary, avowedly incomplete, contains 5,000 vocables. In the 
course of recent study directed upon one of the least-known languages 
of the Philippines, I had occasion to compute the extent of the vocabu- 
lary of a circumjacent and to a certain extent allied folk, the Visayas. 
In the Visayan dictionary compiled by Fr. Juan Félix de la Encarna- 
cién we find 12,000 vocables, and the Visayas are scarcely more 
advanced upon the road of civilization than the men of Mota or other 
of the islands of Melanesia. Accordingly we feel justified in appraising 
the best of our working vocabularies of Melanesia as representative 
of barely 50 per cent of the languages with which they deal, and from 
that highest level we deal with material which dwindles rapidly down 
to the level of mere word lists. 

Thus we see how imperfect is the equipment with which we may 
give value to the third stage in which our Melanesian material has 
been presented to use, that which has assumed the form and method 
of comparative philology. Some of the material in the second class 
is prepared in such a manner as to fit it for consideration in this third 
class; some even of the primal class of discovery record comes to us 
equipped with the machinery of comparison. The dictionary of 
Efaté affords an excellent instance of the mingling of the second and 
third classes. The prime object of the author appears to have been to 


6 SISSANO. 


adjust the speech of the people under his charge to the establishment of 
his speculative theory that all the people of the island area, denominated 
by him the Oceanic race, derive from some pre-Mosaic Semitic stock. 

Prebendary Codrington is our standard authority for southern 
Melanesia. His work falls within the first class by reason of the fact 
that he provides more or less extended notes upon the grammar of 
34 languages between the Loyalties and the southern Solomons. In 
his vocabularies, however, he sets his work distinctly within the third 
class; he presents in tabular form for convenience in comparison a 
series of 70 vocables in 43 languages. Such comparison is interesting 
as far as it goes, but it is clear that the material is far too scanty to 
serve as the foundation for a valid theory of the interrelations of the 
languages thus briefly noted. 

In the linguistic report of the Cambridge Torres Straits Expedi- 
tion Mr. Ray has pursued the same method. For the Mabuiag and 
the Miriam he records vocabularies of several hundred items; for the 
languages of Cape York Peninsula his record falls into a table of 35 
vocables in 12 languages; from the coasts of British New Guinea, 
now Officially styled Papua, he extracts languages of two classes 
which he designates Papuan and Melanesian. He subjects the 
material in each case to tabulation of a list of the same 154 vocables, 
which he treats with varying fullness of record— 46 languages in the 
Papuan class, 39 in the Melanesian. 

Captain Friederici also combines exploratory and comparative 
work in his study of the languages of the Bismarck Archipelago 
and adjacent coast of New Guinea. He has recognized that the 
tabular method has the advantage of facilitating ocular examination 
of material, but that the very mechanical system which produces this 
advantage sacrifices the intimate detail which is necessary to a proper 
comprehension of the material involved. The three authorities ex- 
hibit a growth in method as this difficulty was recognized. Codring- 
ton provides a rigid table, Ray a series of tables with footnotes of the 
utmost terseness. Friederici has hit upon a method of synoptical 
tables which adds greatly to the logical value of the information 
therein presented. Three columns he assigns to Indonesia, generically 
to the Bahasa Tanah and Alfuros of Ceram, of Buru, and of north- 
eastern Celebes respectively; next, and centrally situated, comes the 
column dealing with the speech of his particular study, that of the 
Barriai group in western New Pomerania; three similarly generic 
columns are used to carry the investigation still further—western 
Papuo-Melanesians, Solomons, and New Hebrides. I employ the 
genus suggestion in describing this extremely flexible system because 
in each column it is possible to include material from specific lan- 
guages pertinent thereto. The notes succeeding these tables are as 
complete as it has been possible for the author to make them, in many 


CHURCHIL 





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. 
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Boies ao 0 ROTUMA 
KAVA CULTURE eas. Pe eoria =) 
aD: eee 
ee ere Oz ----- oe . , 
= + = a + Bas if gnc ow, ~. é 
eT ee ia 7 NORBARBAR+ 9 4 aoe =o id 
ee - VANHIA LAVAY? 2% MOTA ee Sa é 
— " ~<oo! SS Sk capone ns FUTUNA 
: ~<2 ys OMERLAV Sgt Ss # 
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MARINA se) oS Tee ee = fi 
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MATRILINEAL AREA 


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OF MELANESIA. 





CULTURE BOUNDARIES 


CHART 


NIUE 


SOURCES OF MELANESIAN MATERIAL. fe 


cases amounting to concise monographs upon the ethnic or linguistic 
problems which present themselves. 

It has seemed pertinent to offer this brief comment upon the man- 
ner of linguistic treatment practised by our principal authorities, for 
in the work of each we find an assumption that there exists a Melane- 
sian race, and Friederici proposes carefully elaborated argument to 
establish as fact that this Melanesian race is not autochthonous, that 
it has left traces of its sweep of migration upon the area which it now 
occupies, just as the Polynesian race has left like memorials of its 
culturally higher, longer, and perhaps wider migration, and that 
from these traces he may establish the source of the Melanesians in 
peoples included in Indonesia within the somewhat higher culture of 
the Malayans. 

These are points upon which the present inquiry is addressed. 
The material upon which our comparative investigation is based is 
contained in the following works; and since we shall have to make 
incessant reference to one or other, I have added in this list the short 
designation under which each is cited: 


Coprincton. The Melanesian Languages. By R. H. Codrington, D. D., of the Mela- 
nesian Mission, Fellow of Wadham College, Oxford. Oxford, 1885. 

Ray. Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits. Volume III. 
Linguistics, by Sidney H. Ray. Cambridge, 1907. 

POLYNESIAN WANDERINGS. The Polynesian Wanderings: Tracks of the Migration Deduced 
from an Examination of the Proto-Samoan Content of Efaté and other Languages of 
Melanesia. By William Churchill. Carnegie Inst. Wash. Pub. No. 134. tIog1t. 

DEUTSCH-NEUGUINEA. Waissenschaftliche Ergebnisse einer amtlichen Forschungsreise nach 
dem Bismarck-Archipel im Jahre 1908. II. Bettrége zur Vélker- und Sprachen- 
Runde von Deutsch-Neuguinea. Von Dr. Georg Friederici, Hauptmann a. D. 
Erganzungsheft Nr. 5 der Mitteilungen aus den Deutschen Schutzgebieten. 
Berlin, 1912. 

MELANESISCHE WANDERSTRASSE. Ut sup. III. Untersuchungen tiber eine Melanestsche 
Wanderstrasse. Berlin, 1913. 

Supanu. The Subanu: Studies of a Sub-Visayan Mountain Folk of Mindanao. Part I. 
Ethnographical and Geographical Sketch of Land and People. By Lieut. Col. John 
Park Finley, U.S. A. Part II. Dzscussion of the Linguistic Material. By William 
Churchill. Carnegie Inst. Wash. Pub. No. 184. 1913. 





CHAPTER II. 
THE SISSANO COMMUNITY. 


It may be asked, and that not improperly, why we approach the 
problems of Melanesia through so exiguous a medium as a mere frag- 
ment of the speech of Sissano when we have the more considerable 
vocabularies of the Bongu, the Tami, the Pala, and the Mota. 

A determining reason inheres in the foregoing statement. We 
have dictionaries of a few of the languages called Melanesian. In 
the period, less than thirty years, in which these languages have been 
studied through the methods of comparison, there has arisen a cer- 
tain mass of assumptions which in the passage from hand to hand 
have tended to become fixed as prejudices. Just because the Sissano 
_ is wholly new, that it is presented to us in no more than the record 
stage and without the attempt to adjust its twigs upon a family tree, 
these conditions make it all the more valuable. Inasmuch as we shall 
engage upon the study of the nature and possibly the source of that 
element of speech within the Melanesian area which exhibits the appear- 
ance of kinship with other languages, we shall find our attitude of 
inquiry in a better poise when we are dealing with fresh material. 
The conclusions which we may derive from the newly acquired data 
will thus serve as standard for the critical examination of the conclu- 
sions at which earlier students have arrived in the study of other data. 
The extent of the Sissano material at present falls below the amount 
offered in the dictionaries mentioned in the foregoing paragraph. We 
are to examine but 120 vocables of Sissano speech; yet even that 
scanty figure is more than half as much again as that upon which Cod- 
rington erected the study of comparative Melanesian philology, falls 
but 34 items below the limit of Ray’s material, and approximates three- 
quarters of the sum of Friederici’s material. On this score, therefore, 
it is entitled to rank with the work of these authorities. 

The geography of the Sissano communities establishes this speech 
as in a position of peculiar importance. It will be recalled that the 
great island of New Guinea is bisected politically by the meridian of 
141° E. All that lies west of that line is a possession of the Nether- 
lands. The eastern half is again partitioned by a mathematical 
boundary through untrodden waste of mountain and jungle. This 
boundary leaves the Netherlands line at the parallel of 5° S., and 
when the unknown land is explored will be drawn in a straight line 
to the corner formed by the intersection of 6° S. with 114° E.; from 
this corner it continues to the intersection of 8° S. with 147° E.; thence 
along the parallel of 8° into the sea south of the Bismarck Archipelago. 


South of this line is the British Possession of Papua; north of it lies 
9 


10 SISSANO. 


the German colony of Kaiser-Wilhelmsland.* On the north coast of 
the German colony the Sissano communities lie on the shore of a 
lagoon not more than 5 miles east of the intersection of 3° S. with 
142° E. ‘This array of geographical coordinates shows that Sissano 
is some 65 miles east of the Dutch-German boundary. 

This remote westward position will be found particularly advan- 
tageous for the purposes of our study, for it considerably removes 
this language station from the possibility of mixed contamination 
from successive waves of migration from divers sources which we are 
forced to recognize in some of the eastern island areas where migra- 
tion streams have converged. Yet in its westward position Sissano 
is far enough east to have escaped a more modern contamination, 
that of the raiding fleets of Malayan prahu. “These adventurous 
sailors in a quite recent period have visited and despoiled the western 
coasts of New Guinea, both north and south, wherever they could 
find articles worthy of their theft, or humanity which they could cap- 
ture in slavery. On the north coast we have the most abundant 
proof of the activity of these periodical raiders as far east as the great 
Geelvink Bay and the island of Jobi. East of Jobi Point, which 
marks the eastern extremity of Geelvink Bay, the coast becomes for- 
bidding, landing-places are few, the forests which come down unbroken 
to the sea offer little to the advantage of the trader, and the human 
population is too scanty to attract the slaver to an unprofitable 
voyage. Sissano lies quite east of the common limit of modern Malay 
intercourse. At the same time it lies so far to the westward as to be 
close to the Indonesian region, with which we associate a certain very 
distinct element of the languages called Melanesian and Polynesian. 
If we are justified in tracing back this element to some manner of - 
source in lands where the Malayan stock is now dominant, we shall 
be justified, until later discoveries may push a new station further 
westward, in regarding Sissano as the threshold of an exit of migration 
at some past time out of Indonesia. 

We owe our knowledge of Sissano to two authorities. Friederici 
has given us certain brief yet valuable notes scattered through his 
‘““Melanesische Wanderstrasse’’; Dr. Richard Neuhauss, in “‘ Deutsch 
Neuguinea,”’ includes a narrative of the communities as he found them, 
not great in extent but important as being the first comprehensive 
account of the place and people. In order that we may have for our 
linguistic studies of Sissano the proper geographical background and 
the essential ethnological surroundings, I shall present in this chapter 
the material 7m extenso, with ascription of full credit and equal respon- 
sibility to Dr. Neuhauss. His great work is intensive only upon the 


*This statement rests upon the last delimitation of spheres of influence. As these 
pages pass through the press, the colony of Kaiser-Wilhelmsland is in military occupation 
of the Australian contingent subject to final determination in the treaty of European peace. 


THE SISSANO COMMUNITY. EE 


Huon Gulf region in the extreme southeast of the colony, where he had 
enjoyed the advantage of association with well-informed missionaries 
who had devoted a decade to the study and improvement of the savage 
population. Elsewhere in the colony his exploration was hasty and 
there was lack of intelligent assistance. But in Sissano, as we shall 
see, he passed some weeks and had the aid of a German who had 
lived in trading relations with the people for several years. 

We are obliged at the outset to make a choice between Friederici 
and Neuhauss in the form of the name of the community and its 
speech. Neuhauss records it as Sissanu, Friederici. as Sissano, yet 
Neuhauss notes (page 27) that surrounding peoples call it Eissano. 
We have ample warrant for assuming Friederici the more accomplished 
linguist; I have had occasion to check up his sense of vocal sound in 
several parts of the Pacific and admire the accuracy of his ear. We 
shall therefore follow his usage and employ as standard the form 
Sissano.* 

The following are the note of Dr. Neuhauss on the place and people: 


At evening of August 8, 1909, the Siar anchored off Sissano, 45 kilometers 
west of Eitapé, for the purpose of setting me down in the midst of the wilder- 
ness. The population, the Waropu and Sissano, up to the present have been 
brought into contact with civilization principally through the fact that the 
government has found it necessary to inflict a slight punishment. The nearest 
Catholic mission station, then but recently established, lies at Maldl, 18 kilo- 
meters west of Hitapé. The possibility of living for any length of time in 
this wild society and of doing successful work lay in the circumstance that 
for several years, the world forsaken, the copra trader Schulz had made him- 
self at home and that he received me into his primitive hut. He came first 
to New Guinea as a sailor and had tried everywhere without making a success. 
It was not that he was lacking in industry; weeks and months on end he 
worked from morning to night, but in the end he was overcome by the irre- 
sistible impulse to spend his hard won money to the last penny on drink. 

During my six weeks stay in Sissano Schulz showed himself a good friend 
of mine whom I must always recall with gratitude; and when I learned that 
in the beginning of 1910 he had suddenly passed from life I mourned him in 
my inmost heart. 

Since there is always a heavy surf on that coast, landing is not without 
danger and scarcely does one ever come out of a boat without having made 
the acquaintance of a swamping wave. My luggage came through the 
experience in fair condition, and even the dozen large bottles of heavy export 
beer which the captain had given to Schulz were brought ashore intact. 
Their decapitation began at once and before midnight Schulz had drained 
the last bottle to its last drop. I found myself under the need of wondering 
what might be the outlook for my work. Yet Schulz reassured me when 
he rolled onto his bed and stammered ‘‘To-morrow you shall see a quite 
different Schulz.” The prophecy was fulfilled, the thirst of weeks was 
appeased, and where alcohol had ruled in full force for less than twenty-four 
hours the rest of the time there was only weak tea and coffee. The water 


*Certain few artifacts in the museum of the University of Pennsylvania, collected earlier 
than the visits of our authorities, are attributed to Zissano; this is added evidence in con- 
firmation of the final vowel adopted as standard. 


12 SISSANO. 


supply was particularly poor. While at the mission stations in Huon Gulf 
they drink exclusively rain-water which is caught on the corrugated-iron roofs, 
Schulz’s hut was roofed with sago leaves, from which the rain-water pours 
down dark brown and quite undrinkable. For our drinking-water we had 
to depend on a small pool behind the house, an aquarium of mosquito larve 
and frogs and other small animal life and a bath for the dog. ‘The green 
fluid could be used in only tea or coffee. 

The landscape produces quite a different impression from that in the Huon 
Gulf region; a broad, flat coastal strip which is only occasionally interrupted 
by outcrop of rock and which is covered with scrub and coconut palms. 
Behind this small zone composed of beach-sand deposits lie swamps and 
lagoons filled with fish; it is not until one goes farther inland that the moun- 
tains begin to arise. On this coastal strip dwells a somewhat dense population 
which lives principally on sago and fish. Since the lagoons abound in more 
ducks than one may count the European gormandizes in meat. Our carte 
de jour read: morning, stewed wild duck with coffee; noon, stewed wild duck 
with tea; evening, stewed wild duck with coffee. About once a week a parrot 
or a Savory pigeon added variety to the succession of meals. Schulz assigned 
three cartridges of bird shot every morning to his gun boy. If he did not bring 
home by noon at least six ducks he got a manual reminder, for one could feel 
sure that on the score of friendship he had left too much of his game in the 
villages. 

Near the residence of my host lie eight Sissano towns (Nimas, Wakel, 
Reindschen, Meinerek, Amsohr, Meinah, Bruno, Meinraun) with a total of 
some 1,000 inhabitants. Schulz, who had acquired some of the language of the 
people, got along with them famously and gave them to understand that I was 
a good friend of his and that they must not harm a.hair of my head. With 
great skill and dexterity he knew how to make them comprehend my object 
in making collections and taking photographs, and certainly I should never 
have obtained so much had not Schulz stood always faithfully at my side ready 
to give his assistance. Among the ethnographic objects there he brought to 
my attention a most remarkable piece. In scraping the pith out of the sago 
stem the blacks use adzes in which the sharp stone blade is replaced with . 
blunt, round polished stones. All at once there appeared many tools of this 
sort which were mounted, not with a stone, but with a round piece of metal. 
This had the following explanation: In order to bring the hostile Sissano to 
reason the government set in operation one more of its punitive expeditions 
and shot up the beach towns with a few dozen small shells. But somebody 
neglected to charge the shells properly and they fell without exploding or 
doing any sort of damage to the soft sand. ‘The Sissano were greatly delighted 
at the presentation of such fine pieces of metal and had no more pressing 
occupation than to dig them up and set them into their adzes in place of 
stones. Apparently there had been a short time earlier at least two dozen 
such shells in use. The attempt was made to buy them up secretly. Schulz 
had the last specimen. 

This recalls another happening where the shells of a punitive expedition 
did really go off, but quite in another spot from that which was intended, 
namely, in the ground far from the hostile towns. Whereupon the natives 
held a thanksgiving festival because their fields had been so finely dug up 
and they themselves spared the painful toil of breaking up their hard soil. 

Near Sissano is the Waropu Lagoon, where there was a sudden sinking of 
the earth’s surface in the night of December 15-16, 1907. 

In order more closely to examine the sunken district I boarded with Schulz 
one of the canoes without outriggers for the extremely uncomfortable trip 
across the Waropu Lagoon, which is of considerable extent and in which 


THE SISSANO COMMUNITY. 13 


the winds stir up a strong sea. In order to keep the canoe from capsizing 
and to lower the center of gravity as much as possible we had to sit imme- 
diately upon the bilges of the canoe, and there is always water there. 

After a voyage of half an hour on the Sissano Lagoon one emerges from a 
forest of coconuts suddenly upon the sunken district where the dead and 
leafless palm stems are a melancholy spectacle. This border zone is of a 
width of 1 to 1% kilometers. One has to wind in and out among the dead 
trunks with the utmost care, for the slightest bump would be sufficient to 
bring rotting stems crashing down. Soon we are in the open lagoon and steer 
directly for the sunken island where formerly 2,000 Waropu lived. Many 
houses have already fallen in ruin before the dashing waves, some have 
remained, especially a small spirit house into which we crept in order to loot 
its heaped-up treasures. In their superstition the Waropu let everything 
after the catastrophe lie untouched, so that we were able to carry away 
decorated skulls, objects of magic-working, the rare dancing masks worn at 
the circumcision festivals, and other such objects. 

Then we continued to the other side of the lagoon to the Arép towns. The 
Waropu formerly living between the Sissano and the Arép had always been 
in fiercest enmity with their neighbors and had occupied much the same 
position as the Lae-Womba on the lower Markham River. It was clearly a 
judgment of God that the calamity of the earthquake fell upon the Waropu 
exclusively and that the sunken district ceased at the boundaries of the 
Sissano and the Ardp. It is clear that the small point of land on which 
Ar6ép stands is involved in a slow subsidence, so that the inhabitants in a little 
while must forsake the place. 

During the catastrophe the Waropu were able to embark quickly upon 
their boats, so that only two children were drowned. Early next morning 
they came for succor to the Sissano, who showed no sign of sympathy, but 
set themselves in readiness to massacre their ancient foes, now defenseless. 
Had Schulz not intervened there would have been a cruel bath of blood. 
The Waropu then built new towns on the shore of their lagoon. 

One day Schulz informed me that he must go to Eitapé in order to get 
new trade from the store of the New Guinea'Company. Asa matter of fact 
he had plenty of trade, but the quarter was near its end and thirst once more 
began to plague him. He swore by all that was high and holy that he would 
be back in five days. The voyage each way took up two days. 

In Eitapé he was in the way of wholesale trade, for he bought a whole 
box at once containing 48 bottles of beer and went into camp beside it; if his 
credit ran to it, as this time it did, he would get a second box and his sojourn 
prolonged itself about two days. Eight days later Schulz had not returned, 
but one of his black boys came back to Sissano. When I asked him what 
was the matter with his master he said “Master Skuls did.’”’ I was in the 
highest degree alarmed, for the death of my host put me in an unpleasant 
position. ‘Thank God, the case was not so bad, for I had not fully grasped 
the niceties of the Pidgin. The black boy sought to express with the word 
“did”? no more than the fact that his master lay dead drunk. If Schulz 
had been as dead as a rat the black boy would have said “‘did finish.”” When 
his credit was exhausted they stowed Schulz and his trade aboard a small 
schooner which came into view off Sissano in the early morning. But it 
was evening before his legs recovered sufficient supporting power for Schulz 
to think of coming ashore. Now my host was once more the most industrious, 
the most sensible man, the best associate whom I could wish in the wilderness. 
When a year and a quarter later he went again to Hitapé he stayed “‘did 
finish.”” (Pages 61-66.) 


14 SISSANO. 


In Sissano I saw a half-albino woman (skin color about 21-22), but she 
was so shy that I was unable to observe the color of her eyes and the hair, 
which she wore under a hat. (Page 104.) 

A Sissano chief lost one after another all five of his sons in the everlasting 
feuds with the neighboring Waropu. (Page 132.) 

When in 1909 I sojourned with the Sissano, as yet uninfluenced by civili- 
zation in their remoteness near the Dutch border, I had the fortune to be an 
eye-witness of at least some of the circumstances of the circumcision feast. 
The feast-magic had already lasted for five months; that is to say, the men in 
particular had given up .work, and the women, who commonly busied them- 
selves, among other things, with pottery making, had declared a holiday. The 
case was particularly a hardship for my friend Schulz, for during that time 
he could not get a kilo of copra; the townsfolk always assured him that all 
would be well at the end of the feast, which they must await in the circum- 
stances. This end was clearly yet remote, for the boys had only just been 
circumcised and after the actual operation months must elapse before they 
return to their towns. 

The circumcision candidates, fourteen boys and young lads between the ages 
of some six to twenty years, lived part of the time on a hill across the lagoon 
at a considerable distance from the settlements, and part of the time in the 
neighborhood of the towns near the beach, where an inclosure had been built 
for them in the thick bush. On the side toward the sea this inclosure was 
hedged with palm leaves at the edge of the bush, so that the youngsters, who 
were under the guardianship of two fully grown men, were screened from 
the glances of the women passing along the beach. On the place thus inclosed 
were several shabby huts, mere roof shelters from the rain. ‘The circumcision 
candidates were daubed from head to foot with yellow and went completely 
naked. The operation had been performed on them only a few days earlier 
and the wounds were not yet healed; it amounted to no more than a com- 
paratively insignificant incision in the foreskin. Every evening the blowing of 
the great balum flutes resounded, whose purpose was to give warning to the 
women that a dangerous spirit was abroad. After the circumcision feast the 
lad is considered adult and takes part in the councils of the men. (Page 157.) 

In the towns of Malol, Arép, and Sér, between Berlinhafen and the Dutch 
border, there is a custom that every unmarried villager must make his condi- 
tion visible from a distance by wearing the bachelor belt of rattan. In Sissano 
also some of the unmarried men wear the bachelor belt. (Page 159.) 

In Sissano the corpses of men and women are buried under the women 
houses, never under the men houses. At the head and foot of the body they 
stick a post in the earth and keep a small fire burning over the grave for about 
a month. A short time earlier an old man had died there whose house had 
already fallen down and who had passed the last years of his life in the neigh- 
boring house of some of his kin. In this case they buried him between the yet 
standing pillars of his old house and spread over the grave a roof shelter. 
This fashion of burial is not usual in Sissano. A boy who died in Sissano at 
the beginning of 1909 was buried under the house in which he had lived. 
But they had cut the head off and buried it under another house. When some 
months later I dug it up I found the bonesin the vicinity of the foramen magnum 
broken away, which showed that the brain had been taken out. (Page 163.) 

The Sissano preserve in their spirit houses a row of skulls, apparently 
those of chiefs and other prominent men. Although they hold these skulls 
in high honor, they show not the slightest respect for others. As soon as 
they saw that I was paying a good price for skulls they dug up the graves 
under their houses in every direction in order to sell the mortal remains of 


THE SISSANO COMMUNITY. 15 


their relatives. The women had to do this with long staves, but the men took 
the purchase price. The skulls heaped up in the spirit houses were not for 
sale. Among the exhumed specimens were found the skulls of men as well 
as women, so that it is not here, as in Berlinhafen, the privilege of the men 
to be preserved in the spirit houses. (Page 165.) 

The long strands of hair which the old Sissano women wear hanging down 
a breast are a rare exception to the usual treatment of the hair. (Page 
190. 

In order to develop the wounds inflicted by burning so that they may 
become thick weals the people in Sissano, apparently in other places also, 
smear the fresh wounds with a mixture of lime and the leaf juices of a plant. 
This composition, which has a yellow color, is extraordinarily irritant. The 
smarting which the women must undergo while decorating their bodies with 
these moxa scars must be something frightful. (Page 192.) 

Perforation of the ale and septum of the nose are practised by the Sissano. 
(Page 194.) 

In the neighborhood of Huon Gulf and in Sissano black teeth are regarded 
as particularly fine. The coloring is done with black earth. The black 
pigment is wrapped in a small packet, this is laid upon the teeth, and the 
result is attained. In Sissano I collected a small container which had been 
made as a holder for the black tooth pigment. (Page 195.) 

In Sissano the penis bark wrapping is concealed beneath a sort of fiber 
petticoat or a piece of bast cloth.* (Page 197.) 

They build their houses on exceptionally high posts when the air is not 
wholesome and when they must always be on guard against attack. A plat- 
form 3 or 4 meters high is not without its difficulties to the attacker who 
would seek toclamber up. The primordial form of the Papuan house appears 
to be of the round type. At the present time this has practically vanished 
from the coastal regions of Kaiser-Wilhelmsland, though I have seen some 
in Sissano. ‘The roof is supported by a center pole. But this style has 
become unusual among the Sissano. (Page 215.) 

A uniform house type is not found. This is noteworthy in the men houses 
of Sissano, where we have round houses, oval houses with a platform under 
the dwelling room, and finally houses without platform. The women houses 
exhibit like variety; we find one with a veranda open above, a porch roof 
without veranda, and the more common type with low-roofed verandas. 
For decoration of the men houses long strings of the lower jaws of pigs are 
hung between the posts. (Page 218.) 

Among the Sissano the wooden sword is the weapon of women, for there 
they take part in combat; in peace times they employ the sword in breaking 
up the soil. (Page 305.) 

The protection of the body is particularly well cared for by the Sissano. 
The warrior wears for the protection of his belly a cuirass of bark richly 
carved (opén). ‘This is rolled up into a spiral and therefore adjusts itself 
closely to the belly. Before the breast depends a beautiful small shield 
decorated with swine teeth and red and black wild seeds. Four particu- 
larly fine breast shields of this kind are in the ethnographic collection of the 
old castle in Heidenheim, Wiirttemberg. In addition there occurs here, 
though quite rarely, artistically woven body armor, of which I collected one 
specimen for the Berlin collection; they are manufactured in the district near 


*With this statement it is necessary to compare vopun in the vocabulary. Appar- 
ently the Sissano employ both customs, which elsewhere in the region are somewhat sharply 
distinctive of racial difference. 


16 SISSANO. 


the Dutch boundary and come to Sissano in barter. Finally, the Sissano war- 
riors employ large wooden shields (aieripin) of the height of a meter and a 
half and covering the whole of the man. ‘These are decorated with artistic 
~ carving and occur in the towns in extraordinary profusion. On this shield 
the wounded warrior is borne away from the thick of the conflict by the 
women. During an attack the warrior does not protect himself with the 
shield, for its great weight would interfere with his use of the bow. It plays 
a more important part in the defense of the town. ‘There are also shields of 
cassowary hide, but these are used only in dancing. (Page 306.) 

My friend Schulz once had the opportunity on the veranda of his house 
to be a spectator of a battle between Sissano and Waropu bitterly contested 
in his immediate vicinity. The warriors, protected with body armor and 
breast shield, stick a war amulet into the arm band and hang another on the 
decorated breast shield. Then with frightful yells the enemies clash. ‘The 
women grasp their wooden swords and the great shields and as soon as a man 
is put out of action by an arrow he is carried from the field on the shield. - 
The women do not directly participate in the fighting and employ their 
wooden swords only to protect themselves when an enemy comes too near 
them. ‘They pick up the arrows after they have been shot, keep up the 
supply of ammunition from the arrow reserve in the houses, and when a man 
is wounded cut the arrow out of the flesh with bamboo knives. In all these 
combats the yelling is always the most frightful thing, and as soon as a pair 
of wounds have been inflicted or one of the fighters falls the affair comes 
to an end. ‘The casualties would be far more severe if it were not that the 
fighters leap about with the agility of apes and offer no certain target. I took 
a cinematographic picture of one of these leaping archers and had great diffi- 
culty in keeping the instrument trained on the man hopping like an india- 
rubber ball. (Page 311.) ; 

In but one of the eight Sissano towns is pottery practised. The method 
is to take sausage-shaped rolls of clay, set them in layers, and smooth the 
outside and inside with the hand. ‘The Sissano women roll the clay sausages 
on a hard surface until they become quite smooth. (Page 324.) 

In the west of our colony, among the Sissano, flourishes an art of wood 
work which deals with large wooden shields, ladles, and taro stampers. While 
the handle of the stamper exhibits a male figure with extraordinarily large 
organs of generation, a specimen was collected in which its place was taken 
by a kangaroo. ‘Travelers who follow me in Sissano will not be likely to 
find any good old pieces of this sort, for my Sissano friends fairly exhausted 
the supply at the rate of a kitchen knife apiece. (Page 33.) 

The Sissano celebrate a clothing feast at which the girls of six to eight 
years receive from the givers of their names colored girdles of bark and skirts 
of bast. ‘The father of the family invites all the givers of names. Since the 
child has several names it has therefore several name-givers (kakak). ‘The 
latter adorn the girl with girdle and skirt, paint her in gay colors, and to the 
accompaniment of singing and dancing bring her before her parents, who 
have not neglected to bake a huge cake of coconut and sago, 5 centimeters 
thick, 3 to 4 meters broad, and 7 to 8 meters long. ‘The women clothe them- 
selves as men, put on the belly armor and breast shields, and blacken their 
faces. Suddenly they appear in this disguise and armed with lemons from 
the bush, with these they pelt the men, who reply in kind. It lasts but a few 
minutes in all, then they withdraw and lay aside the disguise. Meanwhile 
the decorated girls are brought in by the givers of the names, and on the 
father’s side begins the distribution of the cake and other articles of food. 
Every name-giver gets from four to five backloads of eatables. In like 


THE SISSANO COMMUNITY. 17 


manner all who have helped in the ceremony must be rewarded. Such a 
feast naturally brings its giver to the edge of domestic ruin, but that never 
turns Papuan hair gray. So long as he has something on hand he lives 
happily. (Page 382.) 


In the same fashion we shall assemble from Friederici the stray 
mention of this people which is scattered through his ‘‘Deutsch- 
Neuguinea.”’ 


In New Guinea I observed remarkably many instances of the Jewish cast 
of features in the Arop-Sissano region. Among the Anuda folk are several 
quite extraordinarily corpulent persons, such as I have encountered in the 
same degree only in the atoll Uluthi (Mogemog) of the western Carolines 
and in the case of one man among the Melanesian Sissano. (Page 28d.) 

I have been able to examine but two new-born children in the course of 
my travels, one in Kung, northern New Hanover, one in Sissano. <A small 
child of Javanese parents in Hollandia, Humboldt Bay, was already two days 
old when I saw it. In none of these children was the blue birth-mark, the | 
Mongol spot, present; in skin pigmentation all three were noticeably lighter 
than their mothers. (Page 320.) 

While the glowing end of a coconut shell (the end where the eyes are) 
is employed for the burning of small scar ornament, the people in the present 
time use red-hot bottle necks for the production of larger annular scars. 
Similar scar ornament occurs in north New Guinea at Garget and in the 
Arop-Sissano region. (Page 360.) 

I myself have traveled through large areas of New Guinea whose inhabi- 
tants were uncircumcised, for instance from Humboldt Bay over Wutung, 
Wanimo and vicinity, Leitere to Sér. Upon the Sissano, lying still farther 
east, a trader has given me vague statements as to circumcision, which unfor- 
tunately I have not established as fact. It is quite possible that such is 
the case; but, with every kind wish, the information derived from that trader, 
by reason of something lacking in his personality, is not sufficiently reliable 
to stand as fact except when corroborated (see page 13). (Page 45¢.) 

I have often observed the picking up of objects with the foot. This is 
especially frequent in the Arop-Sissano region. (Page 57a.) 

I have found in Sissano the use of the Polynesian swimming-board for 
riding the breakers, surf-riding. (Page 590). 

On the coast of northern New Guinea the people of Wanimo, Leitere, Sér, 
Sissano, and Arop have assured me that the tear-greeting was unknown to 
them. (Page 65c.) 

In the regions poorly blessed with the coconut the mothers chew up boluses 
of taro or sago for their nursing children, but quite clearly with anything 
but good results. A severe malady of the mucosa, particularly about the 
anus and the genitalia, follows this sago feeding, as I have in many cases 
observed in children of the Arop-Sissano region. ‘The lately deceased trader 
Schulz, whose testimony on this point I regard as competent, since he had 
had several Papuan women in the domestic side of his life, told me that 
this illness regularly set in as a sort of inevitable children’s sickness when 
the child was weaned and put upon a diet of this chewed sago. ‘The illness 
is very painful. Not a few succumb to it. I observed in particular a little 
girl of two or three years who lay shrieking with the pain on her father’s 
knee and rolling onto her back and then onto her belly. The genitalia and 
anus were inflamed and covered with matter and scabs. Any one who has 
ever had this disease is immune ever after. It is clearly a sickness of the wean- 
ing. (Page gid.) [This suggests frambcesia.—W. C.] 


18 SISSANO. 


The Sissano practise a fashion of disposing of their dead quite similar to 
that in vogtie in the Motu district, as the trader Schulz has told me. The 
late Schulz was of no particular intelligence, but a man who thought accord- 
ing to his station and I hold him in pleasant regard. It happened to him to 
spy through the chinks of a hut how the relatives squatted about a corpse 
already far gone in corruption and dug out with their fingers meat or skin 
from the rotting body and sucked them as tidbits. Schulz told me that 
they were very careful to keep this secret and refused to speak about it. 
(Page 165d.) 


CHAPTER III. 
SISSANO WORDS. 


The brief vocabulary which we are to consider in the present chapter, 
and which is to serve as the foundation for our wider consideration 
of the philological problems of this region, is derived from two sources. 
Neuhauss supplies 88 entries, Friederici 33; the two authorities have 
15 words in common, and in each of these instances I have given 
preference to the form recorded by Friederici. I have likewise specified 
the source only where variety exists and in that case have employed 
the self-explanatory initials N and F. In general the forms of Fried- 
erici’s provenience may be identified through the employment of 
accents and other diacritical marks. His material is collated from his 
comparative tables based upon the language of the Barriai of western 
New Pomerania. Neuhauss (page 129) provides his list in loose order, 
based upon his researches into the parts of the body, weapons, utensils 
—ethnica in general. He makes no note as to the phonetic sys- 
tem followed. It is presumable that he employs the Roman letters 
with the value which they have in German; yet I have not attempted 
to coordinate his record with that of Friederici. The latter employs 
with great skill the phonetic system of Carl Meinhof, which is excellent 
for the record of sounds up to but exclusive of the tonal qualification, 
and, so long as we choose to cling to the Roman alphabet rather than 


some form of visible speech, this is better than most systems. 


I. ai wood. 27. daman father. 
2. (aié N: ai F). 28. dewun elbow. 
3. aieripin wooden shield. 29. dirp small fish net. 
4. ain to eat. 30. dond6én small, few. 
5. aisebot taro pestle. 31. doptin egg. 
6. ajani head band decorated with seeds. 32. ega thou. 
7. andaman brother-in-law. 33. (ehl N: el F). 
8. an6 family house. 34. el stone axe. 
9g. anséh comb. 35. eliak teeth. 
10. ar pandanus. 36. ewérk finger. 
Il. arau sun. 37. (galuk N: kalak F). 
12. at stone. 38. (gel) cf. tur gel. 
13. ata to stay, remain. 39. gerke I. 
14. atin dog. 40. ildin two. 
15. awem hand. 41. japedk toe. 
16, bagére slit drum. 42. jin pandanus fiber. 
17. (bal) man—bAl balus-pigeon (Ptilopus 43. kabon wooden handle. 
sp.). sel kabon sago pounder. 
17a. balum flute. 44. kagrepin shoulder. 
18. baré forest. 44a. kakak giver of name. 
18a. béi flying fox. 45. kalak wooden pillow. 
19. belGk thigh. 46. karabdn ladle. 
20. blei forest. 47. (kusch N: vus F). 
21. (bogir N : bagére F). 48. labok belly. 
22. (bol N: pul F). 49. lab6n friend. 
23. bondenén one. 50. (lapi N: lepi F). 
24. bor boat without outrigger. 51. lele bark beater. 
25. brun large, many. 52. lepi sago. 
26. bul moon. 53. lewén buttocks. 


19 


20 SISSANO. 


54. lontamin sister. 89. siin pudenda muliebria. 
55. mal perineal band. 90. solpenbal cf. tur solpenbal. 
56. man bird. 91. suk nose. 
a. man bal balus pigeon. 92. talél shell bell. 
b. man doptin bird’s egg. 93. tamben cf. tur tamben. 
57. mangganton reinforcing strip on bow 94. taméng woman. 
and stern posts of canoe. 95. (tamin N: taméng F). 
58. mangobu stone awl. 96. tapel wooden dish. 
59. mas6n cassowary-feather headdress. 97. tapo crocodile. 
60. moti small hand drum. 98. taweluktig eye. 
61. natu child. 99. tenan mother. 
62. nau salt water. 100. tin penis. 
63. néu coconut. ° 1o1. tO sugar-cane. 
64. nibak head. 102. tur arrow. 
65. nirepok ear. tur gel arrow with broad smooth tip 
66. (niu N: néu F). of bamboo. 
67. (no N: 4nd F). tur solpenbal fish arrow with three 
68. (oh N: ol F). points. 
69. ol pot. tur tamben arrow with barbs. 
70. olén sword. 103. (turén N: turién F) 
71. omuterok fringed neck ornament. 104. turién bow. 
72. op6n belly armor. 105. ull bread fruit. 
73. pipip butterfly. 106. verén Casuarina. 
74. po areca nut. 107. Viti hand drum. 
75. poon island. 108. vOptin penis calabash. 
76. pul pig. 109. vum plantation. 
77. rain drinking-water. 110. VUS rain. 
78. ranran necklace of black fruits. III. wanan brother. 
79. (rau N: 4rau F). 112. weliak tongue. 
80. rebin testes, spirit. 113. wepernadk knee. 
81. (rein N: rain F). 114. wepok fist. 
82. remir hair 115. wesch paddle. 
83. (ripin) cf. aieripin. 116. wok boat with outrigger. 
84. rives stirring ladle. 117. word man. 
85. saboche tobacco. 118. (wul N: bul F). 
86. (sebét) cf. aisebdt. 119. Wun married person. 
87. seéhl basket. wun-—damin wife. 
88. sel stone. wun-—woru husband. 
sel kabon sago pounder. 120. yaim spear. 


There is a wide interval between the first list of words collected by 
the explorer and the dictionary of any speech. At the beginning there 
is a series of possibilities of error which by now have become familiar. 
At greater length and in more general terms than here seems necessary 
I have discussed these pitfalls of the vocabulist in my recent work 
“The Subanu,” at page 45. 

A common type of such error lies in the fact that the inquirer into 
the unknown speech knows quite definitely what he asks. ‘The party of 
the second part understands it to apply to something quite different, 
for the aim of the inquisitive forefinger is not always true. I suspect 
error of this source in two entries of this BOSSE of words which 
Neuhauss has provided— 


eliak teeth weliak tongue. 


The vocables here proposed approximate as closely as do the physical 
entities assumed to be denominated, the sole difference subsisting in 
an initial modifier. As to the value of this initial we are not informed; 
it may be the German w, therefore a light labial intermediate in the 


SISSANO WORDS. pe 


jf-v group; it may be the semivowel represented by the letter in English. 
I have been unable to trace either form in our scanty linguistic material 
derived from this region; therefore there exists no means by which the 
record may be made to yield the correction required. But by recon- 
struction of the situation in which the record was made it is not diffi- 
cult to see what has happened. Dr. Neuhauss has employed his index 
finger; that ready but fractional handmaid of scientific inquiry at its 
beginning has pointed at the particular part concerning which his 
inquiry is made. In general one avoids the actual touch of the moist 
parts of humanity; to even the most painstaking of linguists it might 
in some sort seem hardihood to intrust a forefinger within too close 
reach of that part of the cannibal wherewith he practises his anthro- 
pophagy; it is not given to all men to be Van Ambergs in lions’ mouths. 
Accordingly, there has been reason for misapprehension on the part 
of the savage, even though he was ready to instruct the stranger. 
The forefinger was addressed to the major orifice of his face. He has 
interpreted it as an inquiry as to his mouth in general, or in particular 
as to his lips or his teeth or his tongue. Probably eliak-weliak, which- 
ever may be the proper locution, denominates some one of these parts, 
but we have no means wherewith to determine which is intended; 
since we find in the available material no words for mouth and lips 
we are without data for determination by exclusion. We retain the 
two forms in their vocabulary positions, but note this doubt as to form 
and sense and leave the matter for the determination of the next 
scholar who may visit this remote lagoon community. 

Dr. Neuhauss does not pretend to be a philologist. His interest 
and his activity have been engaged profitably with other concerns of 
life and he has not had the time to elaborate this small collection of 
the words of a most obscure language. Our critical examination of 
his material is not in any sense a reflection upon him as a collector; 
we are profoundly grateful that in the midst of his other occupation 
with this people he has found the inclination and has been at the pains 
to provide us with this equipment for the study of their speech. It is 
solely to enhance the value of his work that we note the possibility of 
error which surrounded him—perturbation factors which without partic- 
ular training and long familarity he could not suspect and therefore 
could not seek to correct in his field observations. 

In many of the languages of the Pacific we find evidence that the 
intellectuality of the speakers evades in several groups of noumena 
the sense absolute and considers it only in certain relations. ‘This 
is particularly the case with the names of parts of the body. To the 
searching inquisition of the questioning forefinger the reply is not 
head, arm, foot, as concepts absolute, but always my head, my 
arm, my foot, when the finger searches out the person interrogated, 
or, when the questioner indicates his own members, thy head, thy 


22 SISSANO. 


arm, thy foot. Each of these relations is expressed by compaction 
with the word of a post-positive modifier, which may be more or less 
denuded in form after the rule which obtains in the languages of 
agglutination. Postponing for the present the argument of this 
theme, more particularly its value in the determination of wider rela- 
tions, we note that in the Sissano we have no difficulty in recognizing 
the modifiers of this function as —k and -n, indicative of possession in 
the first and third persons respectively. By interpolation from other 
languages of this type we may assume that —-m is indicative of posses- 
sion in the second person; this material affords but 3 vocables with 
final m (awem hand, vum plantation, yaim spear), and on this scanty 
showing we hesitate to establish this possessive modifier, except that 
it may be present in awem as thy hand. 

Of the 15 vocables with final k there appear but 2 in which that 
letter is integral to the stem, kaluk wok. ‘Those in which it is prob- 
ably the possessive mark are beluk, eliak, ewerk, japeok, labok, nibuk, 
nirepok, omuterok, suk, tawelukug, weliak, wepernuk, wepok. I have 
included in this list one instance of a final g, namely tawelukug, as 
very likely associable. It will be seen that excision of the k terminal 
leaves an open stem, except in the case of ewerk. 

Of 35 vocables with final n we find the ratio inverted, for there are 
but 12 in which it is at all possible to regard that letter as a possessive 
mark. ‘These are dewun, kagrepin, labon, lewen, mason, olen, opon, 
rebin, siin, tin, turien, vopun. These also yield absolute stems ending 
in a vowel. 

This examination of possessive marks is essential to the comprehen- 
sion of the case in the matter of two interesting entries in Dr. Neu- 
hauss’s vocabulary: 


labok | belly labon friend. 


In the former of this pair we now find no difficulty in seeing the 
possessive rather than the absolute; the philological index finger has 
come to point somewhere below the bust measure of the bare addressee; 
he replies “‘my belly,’ which itis. We can reconstruct the scene out of 
which comes the sense of labon. Again the forefinger is brought into 
play; the collector of the speech points to a bystander and inquires 
in the Beach-la-Mar, which has not yet largely penetrated so far into 
the wilds, ‘‘that fellow friend belonga you?” ‘To the same communi- 
cative addressee the words are naught, the finger everything. Accord- 
ing to his geometry a straight line may be produced indefinitely in 
any direction; he produces the index line and discovers it to impinge 
upon his friend and fellow citizen at or near the umbilicus. He replies 
labon his belly; the recorder enters it in his note book as “‘friend,”’ and 
once more we are reminded of the Tower of Babel. Verily the pitfalls 
in the newly acquired vocabulary are many. In this instance we 


SISSANO WORDS. ) 2c 


suspect that the information was acquired when ‘“ Master Skuls did,”’ 
for that trader with the noble thirst, a Viking of the torrid zone, was 
credited with a certain familarity with Sissano speech. 

Before engaging with the inner content of these vocables of this 
new tongue we shall find it profitable to give some consideration to its 
form and phonetics. The alphabet appears to be as set forth in the 
following table: 


a 
e 0) vowels 
i u 
y Tal (w) semivowels 
ng n m ss nasals 
(h) | aspiration 
chat ie : T} sibilant 
sonant - - v(w) : 
surd kh ~ (f " spirant 
sonant g d b tins 
surd k . p bs 
palatal lingual labial 
series. series. series. 


Because we derive our material through a German source, yet with- 
out definite statement of the phonetic system employed by Neuhauss, 
it has seemed advisable to employ marks of parenthesis to indicate 
that there is uncertainty as to the spirant labials and the semivowel 
proximate to the labial tract. It is probable that we have v and f of 
the English value and that the semivowel w is missing. 

We see at once that we have to deal with a language of far richer 
phonetic development than any pertaining to the Polynesian family. 
It is comparable with many of the languages classed as Melanesian. 

It is markedly of the closed type. Whereas no Polynesian speech 
tolerates a word or syllable ending in a consonant, the Sissano employs 
the final consonant with the utmost freedom. To what extent the 
syllables in words of more than one syllable are closed we may not 
determine, for until we have a richer vocabulary and a wider acquaint- 
ance with the usages of the language we are not justified in attempting 
any study of the syllabification, except in such words as show the pro- 
cess of duplication. Dealing with the words of this list as units for 
consideration, we find but 27 open words. I have already pointed 
out in the consideration of the possessive mark that its removal brings 
into view several more openstems. These areindicated in the following 
list of open words by the use of italics. In the tables of this series refer- 
ence to the words is made through the serial number prefixed to each 
in the word list. The open stems are grouped by the final vowel. 


Me 42, (35,112 Oe 5. O7 m Tassos Ol aire tise O45, Gk, 
e weete 16, 39, 51, 85, 25, 30; 53> II4, 49, 59 

70, 104 uesoIr, 13, 58, 61, 63, 66, 79,117, 19, 
i nO 630, 50, 52, 60, 107; 44, 50, 64, 91, 98,113, 28,108 


89, 100 


24 SISSANO. 


In like, manner we order the closed vocables by the final consonant, 
in this case the italic figures represent the post-positive possessive 
marks which are not included in the reckoning. 


ng 94 n 3, 4, 7, 14; 23, 25;02 7) een 

sh 47, 115 31, 40, 42, 43, 44, 46).30pea eee 

a9, 68 56, 57, 59, 70, 72, 75,0 7en ee 
98 81, 83, 60, 93, 957998 


£ 

k 17; IQ, 35s 36, 37> 4I, 44a, 45; 48, Ss 84, 110 
Of 05 (271, Ol, Tie) Lilia c ea le Aoi 
TOs 82 Tea eee m 15,109, 120 
22, 26, 33,34, 38, 55, 69, 76, "87, |p "20, .73 

88, 90, 92, 96,105,118 


etl | 


We may sum these records in two directions as showing the relative 
frequency of the different final consonants: 


Palatals 22 Linguals 58 Labials 5 
Nasals 37 Sibilants 4 Spirants o Mutes 22 
As is the habit of figures, these probably speak for themselves, but 
their language is not yet fully comprehensible. We observe that the 
linguals and the nasals yield the greatest number of word-endings; 
where these two lines of the count intersect we find the nasolingual n 
affording the greatest number of instances of a final consonant. 
We shall extend this arithmetical treatment to cover the occurrence 
of all alphabetic elements which this material presents for our view. 


a ty 2s Ss 9 4s es a oe eee 17, 19, 20, 22, 26, 93) eames 
tO, ET Ie VTA Te Sey 37, 33, 40, 45, 48) AO, pseu, 
LT, PID, B27 so 32a) $5.0 A eee a 52, 53; 54, 55, OO, JOeaoes 
44, 45; 46, 48, 49, 50, 54, 55; 88, 90, 92, 96, 98, 105, 112, 118, 
56,575) 59)059,061, -62;5 77; (75) =32 
79; 85, 90,92, 493, 94,105,700. aF 10, 11, 16, 18, 23,024 geee 
97, 98, 99, III, 112,120=54 36, 39, 44, 46, 65,071, 7eeeee 
e SEO G3FS 5. “Opes G5 50,10, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84; aGepeo8; 
205,28 132) 25,0 34 Se aoe sa, 106, 113, 117 =27 
30). cele Gawe Sly tse eG, OS at Ae 3, 4, 6, 9, 8, 2G;eeeeeeee 
70; "71; 80, SE, 825.085, 1086,.057, 25, 27, 28, 30, 31, “4Gpeepeees 
88, 90, 92, 93, 94, 98, 99, 103, 44, 46, 49, 53, 54, 56, 57, 5: 
104, 106, 112, 113, 114, 115 =46 61, 62, 63, 64, 655° 66) G7,e0 
i Ty: Ae ee Bihely See TGA eo.S 2a8 72, 75, 77, 78, 80; Si,uaeeeee 
29, 35.0 AO, 142, AALS BOr a2 eae 90, 93, 95, 99, 100, 103, 104, 106, 
66; > 64,65, 663" 7375 77, 00, es) 108, 113, 119 =5l 
82, 83, 84, 89, 95, 100,104,107, | S$ 5, 9, 59, 84, 85,) SG; eyaeee 
112, 120=34 90, 91, IIO= 
oO 5, SB, 21, 22, 23, fea eG eed 7, 23, 27, 28, 20,930.05 
Aly 43;48; 49; (S465 75559: =8 
60, 05,207; 68, 760, 30 ey ete 2st 5, 12, 13, 54, 57;).00;u ee 
74, 75, 85, 86, 90, 97, 101; 106, 86, 92, 93, 94, 95, 900; Sf aeue: 
114, 116, 117 =35 99, 100, IOI, 102, 103, 104, 107 =23 
u BIg 13,014,. 10,25; 000 creo esen it) 7, 15, 27, 54, 55; 50005 eee 
37, 45; 40, 47; 50,00, Oepua, 59, 60, 71, 82, 93, 64, dsneuun 
6450664), 71, 7G) 270 OF Oe? 120=17 
103, 104, 105, 108, 10g, 110, III, 113, v(w) 15, 28, 36, 535 98, Ill, 118,174. 
117, 118, 119 =35 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, L119 =I 
y 120, (j6, 41, 42)=4 f(v) 84, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110 =6 
ng 57, 58, 94=3 b 5, 16, 17, 18, 10,0 Ques 
h 9, 33, 68, 87=4 23, 24, 25, 26, 43, (46) 4m 
sh 47, 115 =2 58, 64, 80, 85, 86, 90, 93=23 
kh 85=1 p 3, 29, 31, 43, 44, SOmeaameaee 
g 16, 21, 32, 37, 38, 39, 44, 57, 98 =9 712,73, 74; 75, 76, 83.) 0u,oue 
k 19," 35,430.39. 539) 4hy aad, 97, 108, 113, 114 =20 


45, «40,047, ‘48,904, 405,91) 20%, 
98, I12, 113, 114, 116 =21 


SISSANO WORDS. 25 


We shall next proceed to order these sums upon the common table 
of the alphabet, together with the percentage derived in each case. 
I have already made a similar computation for the Samoan, as the 
representative of a highly developed language of the South Sea. The 
comparison of these totals and percentages derived therefrom will 
prove interesting as exhibiting the variety which inheres in the two 
types of language. 









Per cent: 
Conso- 
Vowels. nants. Sum reels Conso- 
‘| nants. 
Sissano..... 204 276 480 42 ra 56.6 
pamogn....| 2,540 T7322 4,262 59.6 40.4 





We see at once how radically the two languages vary; this speech of 
rudest New Guinea is consonantal in approximately the same pro- 
portion as the soft tongue of Nuclear Polynesia is vocalic. Such a 
difference indicates clearly a great diversity in phonetic type. We 
shall now examine the items one by one, recording the sum and the 
percentage and adding in italic figures the corresponding Samoan per- 
centage. 


semivowels | y Ant i a SO yi2 23) 27 O3e19) 4 27 
nasals — ng sey 22 7e bon Sr 10,6 3 1 Wy 6 arg ora tae 8.8 
aspiration | h 4 1 
sibilants sh 20 Ss mh Sede BS, Gay ee ie ees Ses 
spirants kh TO F "4\o0 Ailes On 20 94.47 950 
go d 8 b sa 
mutes iE 2}30 Gb .0 t a tie GS e5 22 p20 A3748,.6'2 24 jomared 1612 
44.9 II 12° 30.7°20-4 80 16.6 8.9 
palatal series. lingual series. labial series. 





Before tracing the distinctive curves of the two languages thus 
brought into comparison, it has been deemed advisable to prepare 
another set of percentages: those of each vowel on the base of the sum 
of the vowels, those of each group of consonants on the base of the 
total consonant equipment. This is done in order to bring out in 
sharper profile the graphic record of the speech characters. In the 
latter ordering I find it advisable to deal with the consonants in one 
order by their series postulated upon that organ of speech from which 
they come and in the other by their quality running across the three 
speech-organ series. 





Sissano.| 26.4 | 22.5 | 16.6 | 16.6 | 16.6 || 16 55 28.9 || 22.8] 25.8] 5 
9.1 


7 
Samoan.} 39.3] 19.1 | 15 Ty 07, 27.6] 50.4] 21.9|| 26.9] 21.6] 2.6/9. 


26 SISSANO. 


From these percentages we derive the three curves which repre- 
sent the phonetic character of the two languages brought under com- 
parison. In each of the three 
speech profiles it is easy to 
observe how different the lan- 
guages are. In order to direct 
those who have not had to 
deal with this graphic presen- 
tation we point out the prin- 
cipal lines of divergence. 

In the vowel profile(Fig. 1) 
we note but one line in which 
the two are at all compara- 
ble—the line which connects 
the e with the i. In the 
Sissano we remark the flatness 
of the line i-o—u, which in the 
Samoan is marked by a secondary peak at o and a marked drop at u. 

The first profile of the consonants (Fig. 2), that based upon the 
frequency of employment.of the three consonant-forming organs, 





Fig. 1.—Vowel profile. 





0 : : 
Palatal Lingual Labial Semivowel = Nasal Sibilant Spirant Mute 
Fig, 2; Fig, 3. 


exhibits a remarkable peculiarity of difference. The two languages 
represent opposite phases, for if either profile were turned over it 
would be found closely to coincide with the other. The frequency 
of the palatal in the proto-Samoan and of the labial in Sissano stand 
at the same level; the frequency of the Sissano palatal is but little less 
than that of the labial in Samoan. 


SISSANO WORDS. Zh 


The profile drawn upon the several classes of consonants (Fig. 3) 
exhibits two peaks with an intermediate depression. ‘The depression is 
due to the fact that the sibilant and the spirant are produced in the two 
languages by but one organ apiece, for the occurrence in two instances 
in Sissano of the palatal sibilant sh and in one instance of the palatal 
spirant kh may be neglected. The final peak, that representing the 
mutes, is effectively the same for the two languages. The former 
peak! shows strong diversity, the Samoan peaks on the semivowel, 
the Sissano on the nasal. We are particularly fortunate in this 
comparison as to the sibilants, for the Samoan is almost the only lan- 
guage in the Polynesian family in which the s has not undergone 
mutation to the h proximate to the linguals. 

The aspiration appears in this Sissano material in these words: 


anseh ehl oh seehl 


The key to the explanation is found in ehl of the Neuhauss record, 
for which Friederici gives the form el. From this we infer that 
Neuhauss has employed the character h not as aspiration but rather 
to indicate the quality of the preceding vowel. In the case of oh of the 
Neuhauss record Friederici presents the form ol; this is far removed 
from the ordinary type of mutation; therefore we may regard the h of 
oh as a scrivener’s error. ‘Thus we find ourselves justified in removing 
the aspiration from the alphabetic table of the Sissano, and for this 
reason I have included it within the marks of parenthesis. 

I observe but three instances in which double consonants are unmis- 
takably established, blei, brun, dirp; possibly we may add thereto 
ewerk. It will be observed with a view to future study that each 
of the four instances involves the lingual nasal; twice it follows a mute, 
twice it precedes a mute. We note the fact, but in the paucity of 
material we may not venture upon an explanation thereof. There 
are many instances of the concurrence of consonants, but for the pres- 
ent these are susceptible of the explanation of syllable difference. 

Duplication, that strong character of the languages of Polynesia, 
is found in this Sissano vocabulary only in the cases of dondon, lele, 
ranran. ‘The type is that of conduplication according to my system 
of differentiating this speech mechanism.* 





*29 American Journal of Philology, 37. 








j ‘ it ip 
d ‘ a ¢ Fs 2 P 
psi Loe he ee ; \ J an 
’ 4 vA d y , i ii. : : ; 
? '¢ ar rr, 4 a : Lt, ba % : 
, A . -ar, { > is , i 
K * Ae’ ‘ : kegs r iy’ 
' arty ie! ne i, : Te Le a 
7 j 7 a ” ng as ot 
, 
he | 
{ 
7) 
eal 
‘ “ 
yi 
od 
ins i 
“a 
Aan 
% | 
; - 
- 
Sh 
] 
‘ay 





Ch 
: f Pal hid 


i 4 


ia ’ , i ; i 
y thie - 0 ers iy . hes 7 ‘ 
ie a H ; oe 3, whi wie? ie @ Wea! Ao: 
’ ; vyiis j Ses © Bits Fe . is fe 
uo y 7 Vis te yeas re Ne fot ace) 
bs ur PS <> Pe - a 





CHAPTER IV. 
MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 


In the foregoing chapter we have assembled a word-list of this 
ultimate western folk of the German province of Kaiser-Wilhelmsland. 
It is very brief. From it we can obtain no impression of the manner 
in which word follows word for the expression of the intellectual idea. 
It is so scanty that it will little forward the next comer to that remote 
lagoon. Yet it is not without its value. The objects which have 
passed under linguistic review are for the greater part physical entities; 
they are among the first vocables which the inquirer into new speech 
will seek to ascertain, for they are the parts of the body as to which 
the least doubt of interpretation may subsist; they are the artifacts 
most frequently met with in all savage communities. Accordingly, 
despite their scantiness, these are the words for which we shall find 
the widest range of comparable material over the greatest geogra- 
phical extent. | 

Not because things are small should we despise them. It were greatly 
to be desired that in this word-list we should find more vocables which 
may be referred to the stock of some 250 words in this broad area 
which are critical of language affinities. How few are referable to 
that stock we shall see in this annotation, picking each out one by one 
as we encounter it in following out the alphabetization in which the 
vocabulary has just been presented. Yet each unit is found to be of 
the highest importance when its affiliations in other languages add 
instance after instance of its employment by the dozen, by the score, 
to the hundred mark, and in some cases even beyond. 

In this chapter we shall confine our associations of these vocables 
to the affiliations recognized in lands which lie eastward and south- 
ward from the Arop-Sissano lagoons—eastward over the extent of 
thousands of miles of ocean sparsely dotted with the island homes of 
men, southward after an interval which is blanked by the rugged 
mountainous interior of New Guinea, as to which we lack all informa- 
tion which might bear upon the study of its inhabitants. Because 
I feel that not on the existing scanty material are we justified in assum- 
ing as proved the classification of the island languages into families, 
I must set down a note as to the subdivision of this eastward and south- 
ward material, reserving the discussion of the arguments involved 
until the conclusion of this assemblage of pertinent material. 

We find the languages of New Guinea assigned to position as Papuan 
or Melanesian. From the Bismarck Archipelago to New Caledonia 
and Fiji the term Melanesian is employed with the character of a 
language family. Eastward from Fiji to Eater Islands, northward to 


29 


30 SISSANO. 


Hawaii, southward to New Zealand, we meet with a common family 
of languages denominated the Polynesian. 

As to the Polynesian we need have no hesitation. We have abun- 
dant material from more than a dozen widely separated regions of the 
existence of a language of a common parentage. Doubt may exist 
as to the source of the Polynesian; there can be no doubt in the wealth 
of material as to its position as a speech family. 

In Melanesia we lack the richness of Polynesian material. At best 
we have but a few vocabularies which may be at all characterized as 
dictionaries; of nearly 200 languages we have no more than brief and 
as yet quite unstandardized word-lists. For convenience of assign- 
ment of the affiliations with which we deal in this examination, I shall 
continue the employment of the familiar term, but solely as a geo- 
graphical designation and without prejudice as to the philological 
principles involved. As a geographical convenience I subdivide this 
area into three divisions. ‘The southern extends from the Isle of Pines 
through New Caledonia and the Loyalties, to include Aneityum, 
Tanna, and Eromanga; from this southern division of Melanesia I 
omit the Fijian, for I prefer to consider that in connection with the 
Polynesian, with which it is at least equally allied. Central Melanesia 
in this division embraces the New Hebrides, the Banks and Santa 
Cruz groups, from Efaté north to 10° south latitude. Northern 
Melanesia comprises the Solomon Islands. from San Cristoval to 
Buka. 

Northwestward of the Solomon Islands lies the Bismarck Archi- 
pelago of two principal islands, New Pomerania and New Mecklen- 
burg, from the latter of which New Hanover is separated by no more 
than a narrow channel. Included geographically in the group lie the 
Admiralty and several other small islands. Because we know as 
yet so little of the races which are inhabitants of these islands, I repeat 
the geographical subdivision here and temporarily sunder them from 
the association which they may be found to possess with the Solomon 
Islands in one direction and with New Guinea in the other. To the 
Bismarck Archipelago East I assign so much of New Pomerania as 
lies upon St. George’s Channel, the Duke of York or New Lauenburg 
group which lies within the channel at its narrowest point, New Ire- 
land, with New Hanover and several islands lying eastward. The 
Bismarck Archipelago North comprises the Admiralty group, the 
Hermit group, and associated islets. The Bismarck Archipelago West 
comprises those languages in the neighborhood of the Vitiaz- Dampier 
Straits which we owe almost wholly to Friederici’s zeal of collection. 

For the present I deem it best to refrain from the New Guinea 
division into Papuan and Melanesian, which my predecessors have 
employed. In these notes I follow a geographical division. New 
Guinea North extends as far eastward as the tip of the promontory 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 31 


which is washed by the Vitiaz Strait, including therewith Tami Island. 
New Guinea East extends from Huon Gulf around upon the south 
coast as far as Dufaure Island. New Guinea South extends from 
Dufaure Island along the shore of Torres Straits and the Gulf of Papua. 
West of the boundary of the Possession of Papua we have such insuf- 
ficient material that I have found little that is pertinent; the same is, 
in fact, true of the coast of the Possession lying west of Port Moresby. 

In this chapter the examination of exterior identifications is con- 
fined to the eastward, therefore later, migration points; in the next 
we shall assemble the western or Indonesian identifications which 
ex hypothest we hold for earlier affiliations in the sweep of folk-move- 
ment. I append to the chapter a check-list of the languages brought 
into this comparison, with an index note assigning to each its position 
in this classification. In a few instances for which no exterior affilia- 
tions appear I have made such notes as suggest themselves in the com- 
parison of various Sissano words among themselves. 


I. ai wood. 
REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 57:68, 1o1d. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 


216. Codrington, 51:65. ‘Turner, 357. Ray, 502:144. Subanu, 121. 
POLYNESIAN. 
kau Futuna, Niué, Fakaofo, Manahiki, | ‘au Samoa. 
Nuguria, Maori, Rarotonga, Tonga- | au Hawaii, Tahiti. 
rewa, Mangareva, Paumotu, Fotuna, | kao Aniwa. 
Sikaiana, Nukuoro, Rapanui, Moiki, | kou Aniwa. 
Tonga, Uvea, Marquesas, Viti. kai Viti. 
oi Rotuma. 
MELANESIAN. 
I. ai Sissano, Arop, Graget, Bi- | 18. tankei Merlav. 
libili, Jotafa, Manam, | 19. tenge Motlav, Volow, Norbar- 
Karkar, Paup, Vitu, bar. 
New Hanover, Kowa- | 20. retenge Vuras. 
merara, Kilenge, Pana- | 21. rekenge Mosin. 
ieti, Wedau, Raqa,Oiun, | 22. enge Pak, Sasar, Alo Teqel. 
Malekula, Ulawa, Bulu- | 23. dango Saa. 
laha, Alite. 24. ka Wogéo. 
2. aie Sissano, Lihir. 25. ZO Rubi. 
3. ei Yakomul. 26. ke Lou, Pak, Umre, Leng. 
4. eb iai Lamassa. 27. ge Malekula. 
5. ieich Tumleo. 28. gi Tanna. 
6. sere ie Nengone. 29. eagi Taupota. 
9. 48 Graget. 30. oeagi Suau. 
8. hai Vaturanga, New Georgia. | 31. elagi Taupota. 
9. kai Murua, Kiriwina, Galavi, | 32. kaiwa Sariba. 
Paluan, Bierian, Malo, | 33. kaiwe Dobu. 
Epi, Longa, Leut, Anei- | 34. awé Kobe. 
tyum. 35. au Mekeo, Pokau, Doura, 
10. gai Fagani, Neggela, Bugotu, Kabadi, Motu, Hula, 
Omba, Gog, Tangoan Uni. 
Santo. 36. hau Motu. 
Il. gae Arag. 37. hau-ubu —_ Keapara. 
12. gair Murray Island. 38. gau Marina, Sinaugoro. 
13. regai Gog. 39. gau-bu Galoma. 
14. raga Lo. 40. kau Sesake, Efaté, Epi, Nguna, 
I5. rega Lakon Aneityum. 
16. geiga Maewo 41. maeau Tavara. 
17. tangae Mota 42. maiiau Tubetube. 


o2 SISSANO. 

43. malau Awalama. 58. keyama Mukawa. 

44. kasu_, Ffaté. 59. Kelama Galavi, Boniki, Mukawa. 
45. gazu Nggao. 60. rogona Awalama. 

46. hasie Wango. 61. rogoma Taupota. 

47. matiu Roro. 62. roi Hamatana. 

48. madiu Mugula. 63. ruai Petat. 

49. maziu Roro. 64. liye Ambrym. 

50. diwai Duke of York. 65. mokomoko Uni. 

51. andivai Gazelle Peninsula. 66. hiwo Tubetube. 

52. a davai Kabakaul. 67. kabakil Misima. 

53. no Ndeni. 68. abei Barriai. 

54. ono Uni. 69. rubwa Tagula. 

55. ena _ Nifilole. 70. daha Bisapu, Punadm. 
56. vengara Kiviri. 71. kumbau Nokon. 

57. vegara Kubiri. 72. saqereu Nada. 


When discussing this stem upon its identification in Subanu, I drew 
attention to the fact that we here assemble three stems, and it is 
by no means within our present power to prove that they derive 
from a common source. With all the material in this list which we 
may justifiably associate with each stem for purposes of examination 
these three stems are ai (1-34), au (35-43), asu (44-49). Before 
taking up the consideration of these major stems we shall make a 
cursory examination of the other words from this area which do not 
come into association with the triad. In citing these extraneous 
forms for the note of such interassociation as may appear, I adduce a 
central form, but wholly without prejudice of eventual determination 
of source. 

diwai (50-52). These three have clearly one source. They are found 
within a narrow geographical range in the eastern Bismarck Archipel- 
ago, the Duke of York being the group of islands within the narrows 
of St. George’s Channel, the Gazelle Peninsula and Kabakaul being 
within eyeshot on the northeastern promontory of New Pomerania. 
There is no grave phonetic difficulty in associating therewith ruai (63) 
and roi (62); the mutation r—-d is very frequent in these languages, 
and duai is not remote from diwai, and from ruai to roi is a simple step. 
There is no geographical obstacle, for Petat is on the eastern shore of 
St. George’s Channel, and Hamatana in the northern Solomons is 
within the range of recent folk-movement. 

ono (54). Itis not unlikely that no and ena may possess a common 
source. Superficially ono is closely affiliated herewith. Ndeni and 
Nifilole are not widely separated in the northern edge of central Melane- 
sia along a track of migration which I have sought to establish as issuing 
through Torres Straits. Uni is remote, at the extreme bight of the 
Gulf of Papua. No matter how the movement of possible migration 
along that coast be explained, whether according to my theory as 
from west eastward along a main channel out of Indonesia, or accord- 
ing to Friederici’s view as a backward movement from east westward 
as mnigrants coasting New Guinea from its north shore, this stem 
should make its reappearance somewhere between the Gulf of Papua 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 33 


and the New Hebrides if it is to be considered common with the Ndeni 
and Nifilole forms. Uni exhibits recognizable occurences of the com- 
mon migrant material, but this lies outside that class. 

vegara (57). Kiviri and Kubiri are separated by no great distance 
across Collingwood Bay on the north shore of Papua; the two lan- 
guages are in general similar; the mutation n—ng is common in this 
area. In Ray’s material this is the only instance of its occurrence 
between Kubiri and Kiviri. On the other hand, I note but a single 
instance in which g is common to the two languages. 

kelama (59). ‘The form keyama is either subdialectic or individual 
in Mukawa, for we find the kelama form as well. We have several 
instances of this l-y variety within Mukawa. 

rogona (60). We shall regard this as the type form, rogoma the 
derivative, for in a later instance (ain 4) we shall find ani in the general 
stem and am as a Taupota secondary form. 

The remaining forms in the list occur but once each; not one seems 
associable with any other. 


STEM ai. 


This is numerically the most frequent by far in New Guinea and 
Melanesia. We find it as a nude stem; we also find it with a palatal 
prefix. As to the latter point we may not speak definitely as to whether 
it is anassumption upon thenude stemor the word has undergonefrontal 
abrasion from a primal stem kaiinto the form ai. In the recent variety 
of speech in the Pacific we have abundant evidence of the disappearance 
of k as objectionable, followed by the resumption of that consonant as 
coming once more into fashion; but in this resumption it is not restored 
to the place which comparison with unaffected languages shows it should 
fill, for it reappears as atcontamination. ‘To assume a primal ai stem 
reasonably accords with my theory of the growth of these languages 
by the application of consonantal modulants. 

aie is reported by Neuhauss from Sissano, where Friederici finds the 
simpler ai. To the latter we owe its ascription to the eastern Bis- 
marck Archipelago, geographically remote. With it we may compare 
32-34, in which awe is found in the western Bismarck Archipelago 
and kaiwe and kaiwa on islands at the southeast promontory of New 
Guinea. In the Lamassa we may identify ai with prefix of i and from 
this we may pass to ia. Assuming the consociation of ei with ai, and 
Yakomul is in the region on the north coast of New Guinea where ai 
predominates, we note the corresponding series ei-iei-ie (3, 5, 6). 
We shall base no argument on these two series, for each rests upon a 
single instance in each of its members, but we enter them upon the 
record for such value as they may possess. Ray makes an obscure 
note upon the series of words signifying the bow, “‘its stick (7. ¢., of 
arrow).” ‘This note applies to Awalama aina, Taupota pidu-aina, 


34 SISSANO. 


Galavi keina, and Boniki kaena. It is possible that this will be held 
sufficient warrant for the inclusion of these forms in conjunction with 
this ai stem. 

When modulation is applied to the ai stem we find a prefixed palatal 
mute, surd in kai, sonant in gai, the difference not diagnostic but 
resting upon the habit of the particular speech. ‘The variety of hai 
(8) is controlled by local conditions. Codrington establishes the rule 
that the g of Nggela speech becomes h in the passage to Vaturanga, 
close neighbors in the Solomons. We lack this statement for his un- 
particularized language of New Georgia, but as it is within the same 
circle of speech the same rule probably holds. Accordingly we regard 
hai as a variant of the gai series. As to 12 we make this note: Cod- 
rington records gair as from Murray Island, but in Ray’s more recént 
and far more complete study of the speech of the languages of the 
islands of Torres Straits nothing in the least resembling this is recorded 
either in Miriam or Mabuiag, the two languages which cover what- 
ever region might appear as Murray Island in any source from which 
Codrington might draw. ‘The Arag gae (11) is scarcely distinguish- 
able from the gai type and occurs in the close vicinity thereof. 

From 13 to 23 we encounter a perplexing variant; yet because it is 
included within regions of the predominance of the kai type we must 
regard it as associated with that stem. It appears to be a kai mutant 
with one or more prefixes of a nature which we can not yet identify 
in sense value. In examining the mutants of the stem we need pay 
little attention to the passage g-ng and k-nk, for these are common 
in the Pacific. As variants set upon the gai stem we note regai (13) 
and tangae (17) immediately associable with gae (11). As variant 
set upon the kai stem, with the same mutation to kei as appears in 
ei from ai (3, 5), we note tankei (18). From 13 and 17 depend in 
succession 14-16; from 18 depend 19-22. In 13-15 we find the prefix 
ra (re), in 17-19 the prefix ta (te); in 20-21 we have both prefixes, for 
the mutation te—ke (21) is normal in these languages. In 22 in a group 
of closely allied village dialects te has become e through a habit of 
dropping t which characterizes these languages. In 16 we seem to 
have a duplication of the gai stem gei, after the manner of kei (18) 
and a degradation form ga as in 14-15. In 23 we leave this partic- 
ular area and are at some distance in the Solomon Islands, yet the 
relation with the type 17-22 is unmistakable; we regard da as the 
variant of ta (17-18), and go as a further deterioration of gai through 
ga (14-16). 

In 24, 26-28 we find demolition forms of kai-gai with which we have 
familiarized ourselves in the next preceding paragraph. ‘The go of 
25 may be, as we have found needful in 23, a residual of gai; but by 
reason of its occurence in a region of the predominance of the kau 
stem (35-43) it will be preferable to assign this to that source. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 5) 


The group of consimilars 29-31 is particularly difficult of adjust- 
ment. The three forms occur in two languages north and south of 
the extreme southeastern tip of New Guinea. The only forms with 
which a possible stem gi might be related are 26, found at a consider- 
able distance in the northern Bismarck Archipelago, and 27, still more 
remotely placed at the south of Melanesia. The prefix of this puta- 
tive stem eludes analysis. 


STEM au. 


Here we associate the forms 35-43. In 41-43 we have a distinct 
association restricted to two points at the southeastern tip of New 
Guinea and an island lying not far off that shore., This type suggests 
a kinship with the au stem, modulated by a prefix composition member 
of uncertain value. In the Tavara and Tubetube the difference is 
so slight as to be negligible, the appearance in Awalama of 1 in the 
place of a vowel recurs in several instances in that language and is 
paralleled by the same usage in Galavi, Boniki, and Mukawa (509), 
and probably in Taupota (31), these languages being found not widely 
separated on the same stretch of coast. 

Associated with this au stem we find the same consonantal modu- 
lants as with ai, namely, h, g,k. Motu and Keapara (36-37), closely 
allied languages, most probably derive their hau from the gau form, 
since that alone appears in that neighborhood. ‘The kau type is found 
only in the New Hebrides. Concerning the affix ubu (bu) (37, 39) 
we continue Ray’s note that probably it signifies the trunk, and we 
point out that in the Polynesian employment of this au stem it is 
almost wholly without ability to stand alone, requiring the preface 
of another member, which usually yields the form of the type la-kau. 


STEM asu. 


I present this stem in the nude form solely through inference, for 
in none of the material which we examine does it appear without the 
support of a consonantal prefix. If we admit hasie we have in 44-46 
the same series of consonantal modulants, h, g, k, as in ai and au. 
Codrington’s material from Wango affords no second instance of a 
transformation of final u to ie, but at the same time it is to note that 
his material affords only one instance where such a transformation 
might be possible, namely, that of asu. Yet since it lies on the track 
of migration toward communities in which the kasu stem appears 
unmistakably, we need have no hesitation in admitting this to the 
series, despite the vowel anomaly. ‘The forms 47-49 are less clear. 
They occur at widely separated spots on the south shore of Papua— 
languages so different in vocabulary that in Ray’s collection we find 
but two other words in which the slightest similarity may be discovered. 
Despite this objection there is sufficient resemblance to suggest a 


36 SISSANO. 


connection with the asu stem; mutation of s to its sonant z and to 
the mutes of the same series is familiar in the collation of the languages 
of this general region; we are not to suppose a mutation of palatals 
to labial nasal m, but rather to look upon that as a distinct consonantal 
modulant applied to the common stem. 

In the next chapter we shall recur to the distribution of these three 
stems and shall attempt to trace their broader geographical distribu- 
tion. At this point we draw attention to the fact that both ai and au 
pass through Melanesia and along the track of later and eastward 
migration; ai just impinges upon Nuclear Polynesia in Viti and Rotuma 
after showing a wide use in Melanesia; au with much less frequency 
in the western islands has overrun the whole of Polynesia, and is 
found equally in communities of the Tongafiti and the Proto-Samoan 
migration from Samoa forward. 


3. aieripin wooden shield. 


Since Neuhauss uses the form aie for wood instead of ai it seems 
reasonable to regard this as a composite of aie and ripin and to regard 
the latter as a vocable of undetermined sense (83). ‘This word-list 
is SO exiguous, there is so complete an absence of phrases whereby 
we might uncover the usage, that we are by no means equipped to 
explain the second member of this composite. ‘The only assistance 
which we find is in items 56, 88, 102, and 119 of the word-list in the 
preceding chapter. In 56 we find two words set together; man bal, 
of which the former is unmistakably identified as a common word for 
animal and perticulerly bird, seems to be a case of apposition of a 
general noun with its particular appellative in which may, and presum- 
ably does, inhere a descriptive value; man dopin, however, appears 
to our comprehension as a genitive or adjectival use of man with dopiéin 
as the principal noun, therefore the modifier preceding the theme. 
In 88 we find no assistance on this point, for sel and kabon are equiva- 
lent structural parts of the sago-pounder as being the stone and its 
wooden helve. The arrow designations (102) suggest that the principal 
noun comes in the former position and the modifier follows; this order 
appears also in the analysis of the instances in 119. ‘Therefore we 
may interpret aieripin in the sense that ripin has adjective value 
limiting or describing aie. There remaims the possibility that n is the 
sign of third personal possession and that ripi is the second stem. 


4. ain to eat. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 53:41. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 188, 199. 
Turner, 370. Ray, 487:41. Subanu, 124. Polynesian Wanderings, 191. 


POLYNESIAN. 
kai Marquesas, Rarotonga, Manahiki, | ai Hawaii, Tahiti, Marquesas. 
Niué, Fakaofo, ‘Tonga, Maori, | ‘ai Samoa. 


Paumotu, Rapanui, Mangareva, | kana Viti. 
Nukuoro, Kapingamarangi, Futuna, | kani Viti. 
Uvea, Nuguria, Fotuna. ate Rotuma. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCAB 
MELANESIAN. 

er: 1 Suau. 19. angi Mekeo. 
2. e’ai Dobu. 20. ean Barriai. 
3. kai Sariba. 21. aan Nufoor. 
4. kaina Aniwa. 22. an Panaieti. 
5. qai Mugula. 23. ana Roro. 
6. kani Tubetube, Galavi, Boniki, | 24. anan Misima. 

Mukawa, Oba, Marina, | 25. a Oiun. 

Epi, Sesake, Efaté. 26. hani Keapara. 
7. kan Kilenge. 27. lani Kelana. 
8. kanega Tagula. 28. hanahana Ulawa. 
9. gani Rook Island, Sinaugoro, |-29. ghen Lifu. 

Mahaga. 30. hang Aneityum. 
10. g’ani Omba, Arag. 31. eng Jabim. 
II. gania Rubi. 32. ing Jabim. 
12. ganigani Galoma. 33. vanga Neggela. 
13. gan Tami. 34. kam Kiriwina, Galavi, Mukawa. 
14. gaan Solor. 35. kom Kiriwina. 
15. gangan Malo. 36. qam Murua. 
16. nganngan Arag. 37. am Tavara, Taupota, Wedau, 
17. gad Nada. Kwagila, Raga, Kiviri. 
18. ani Roro, Uni, Pokau, Kabadi, | 38. ni Tanna. 

Motu, Hula, Tavara, | 39. nenini Eromanga. 

Awalama, Taupota, We- | 40. kaka Nengone. 

dau, Ninigo. 41. balu Kubiri. 

42. ki New Caledonia. 


Two stems are clearly present in this collection, ai and ani, each 
of which has undergone such consonantal modulation as we have 
already seen in the first of these note items, and the latter extends 
through a long series of demolition forms which we could not associate 
with the ani stem if it were not that we find successive disintegration 
stages set out in an orderly array. ‘The items 38-42 and ate of Rotuma 
I regard as extraneous to these two stems. It may be that ni (38) 
and the associable Eromanga word derive from ani quite as much as 
does an (22) and a (25); but the examination of the material shows 
that ni represents a different principle effective upon the ani stem. 
We have abundant confirmation of the demolition applied to the final 
in ani—an—a, but 38 and 39 are the only instances which at all suggest 
that the final syllable remains strong and that the weakening appears 
in the initial syllable. The items 40-42 are wholly remote from any 
possibility of association with the two stems of this series. 


STEM ai. 

This is the common word throughout Polynesia in both migration 
waves. It has been assumed into the Beach-la-Mar jargon as kaikai 
and thus has received a wider currency which might lead to error in 
interpretation of its presence in languages where it is not reasonably 
to be expected. In Melanesia it is found in five stations of observa- 
tion, four of which cluster about the southeast cape of New Guinea. 
Especial note should be made of the Aniwa kaina (4). Although 
this island is included within the New Hebrides, its population and 
speech are largely Polynesian, and in general I include it within that 
speech family. Its kaina is a transition form between Polynesian 
kai and Viti kana, and the association of the latter with kani will 
appear in the examination of that stem. The ai stem is not complete; 


38 SISSANO. 


it lacks hai and gai, which we might expect; but the ai and kai forms 
are typical of the modulation which we have seen in item 1 and which 
we shall shortly see in the ani stem. The Dobu e’ai (2) seems to be 
ai with a preface; in Ray’s list there are evidences of the use of k, and 
there is nothing corresponding to e’ through which we might arrive 
at a better comprehension of the form. In Mugula qai (5) we en- 
counter the so-called Melanesian q, a phonetic unit which requires 
some explanation. 

From my earlier studies upon this subject I extract the following 
citation: 

We observe a group of forms in which the initial consonant is subjected toa 
wide yet systematic variation. ‘This peculiarity is known as the Melanesian 
q. Itis a composite of k and b and w; in this composite k may become ngg, 
b may become mb or p._ It is not to be interpreted as the effort on the part 
of Melanesians to compass an unwonted Polynesian sound, for it is of far 
greater frequency in Melanesian words for which we can find no affiliation 
with Polynesia. Rather are we to regard it as showing the struggle in sound 
evolution by a primitive people in the genesis of their speech who are coming 
into first possession of a labial mute and whose untrained buccal muscles reveal 
to us the wrestling.* 


Ray records the use within the area of the so-called Melanesian 
languages of Torres Straits as follows (page 419): 

The compound guttural and labial consonant, which is common in the 
Melanesian Islands, is found also in New Guinea, .but nowhere with its full 
sound kpw. Just as in the Island languages, as the guttural is sooner or later 
superseded by the labial the sound of k or p relatively predominates. In 
some languages, or in some words in one language, one or the other element is 
conspicuous, so conspicuous that either the guttural or labial is missed. On 
the mainland of New Guinea the sound is always a combination of a guttural 
with w, as kw or gw. It is remarkable that whilst the combination with a 
labial is not found on the mainland it is very common on the Louisiade Islands, 
where pw and dw are found in all the languages except Misima and Tagula. 


It is clear that q in the Melanesian languages as established most 
largely under the direction of Codrington and q of the New Guinea 
languages refer to different phonetic elements. The confusion arises 
from the fact that the missionaries to whom we owe the first records 
of speech in this region have mistaken q as the representative of any 
obscurely mouthed consonant. In Melanesia it is a labial which is 
thus obscured; in Torres Straits it is a palatal, for Ray writes “‘it is 
always a combination of a guttural with w.”’ 

Accordingly this qai is really kwai or gwai, and that is closely akin 
to kai or gai. 

STEM ani. 


Much of our material assignable to this stem is readily grouped after 
a simple series exhibited in this tabular form: 


ani ana an a 
kani kan 

gani gan ga 
hani hana han 


*The Polynesian Wanderings, 332. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 39 


Here we have exactly the series of consonantal modulants which we 
saw employed in the first item of these notes. 

The nude stem ani (18) is by far the most frequent type in Torres 
Straits; in fact these records identify it in a single occurrence outside 
this region, namely, in Ninigo of the northern Bismarck Archipelago. 
Herewith we include Mekeo angi (19) with the note that n—ng mutation 
is frequent in that speech. The demolition form an may be the 
result of the final abrasion applied to ani or ana, and the same uncer- 
tainty persists through the yet more fragmentary form a. In Barriai 
ean (20) and in Nufoor aan (21) we note the same sort of prefix as in 
Dobu e’ai (2). In accordance with the simple n-ng mutation we 
may include Jabim eng and ing as variants of an, this being the more 
probable since the material includes so large a proportion of ani material 
and lacks any other stem form from which this might derive. 

The ani stem in New Guinea appears both on the south coast and 
at the east; kani (6) is restricted to the east promontory and then 
leaps to the New Hebrides and to Viti. The first abrasion form kan 
appears in the Bismarck Archipelego. In kanega (8) of Tagula we 
find a suffix for which we lack explicative material; we note that 
suffixes appear in gania (11), gad (17), and in anan (24). 

Our gani series is represented from 9 to 17 and in the simplicity of 
its ordering calls for little more than inspection. Duplication is 
present in 12, 15, and 16, and in the hana seriesin 28. Arag nganngan 
(16) lies within the n—-ng mutation and is unmistakable. Nada gad 
(17) is a doubtful form; in the preceding paragraph I have included it 
with the suffixed forms as produced from a final abrasion type ga. 
Such a ga would fall in series with a which we have found to exist; it 
would then enlarge the series to such an extent that we might feel 
justified in interpolation of a theoretical ka for the establishment of 
the Nengone kaka (40). Yet since the whole question of a suffix rests 
on scant and uncomprehended material we may not give this sug- 
gestion whole support. It is far more probable that this gad is asso- 
ciated with the Polynesian kati stem as meaning to bite; in fact, Ray’s 
material collated in that sense seems to establish this beyond perad- 
venture. 

The hani series, quite typical in the treatment of nude stem with 
consonantal modulant, is very brief in this material. Keapara yields 
us the type form hani (26); the lani (27) of Kelana in western Bismarck 
Archipelago is anomalous, for the type of consonant modulant in these 
stems lies in the palatal series and here we have a lingual liquid. This 
removes it from the possibility of mutation; but the liquid is, in speech 
evolution toward consonant possibility, an earlier acquisition, therefore 
we may look upon lani as a treatment of ani in the process of partic- 
ularization more primitive than the palatal series of which kani is 
the type. 


40 SISSANO. 


5. aisebot taro pestle. 


This is'clearly a compaction of ai wood with sebot, of sense not to be 
determined from the scanty data here presented. A note as to the 
carving of the handle of this implement will be found at page 16. 


7. andaman brother-in-law. 


Here is naturally suggested a connection with another term of 
relationship, daman father. We lack material upon which to base an 
interpretation of the an element, if it is to be considered a word stem, 
as it is safe to assume. Much remains obscure in the sense of such a 
compaction, for we can not readily figure to ourselves any system of 
affinity in which any element conditioned by the word for father can 
result in brother-in-law, a passage from consanguinity to affinity. 
Furthermore, it is to note that in the social system of these savages 
the relationship of brother-in-law does not arise for specific designa- 
tion. It is altogether likely that we have here an error in recording. 


8. and family house. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 856. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 210. ‘Tur- 
ner, 357. Ray, 492:77. Polynesian Wanderings, 341. Subanu, 113. 


POLYNESIAN. 
fanua Samoa, Aniwa, Fotuna. _ whenua Maori, Bukabuka. 
hanua_ Rotuma. enua Mangareva, Bukabuka, Raro- 
vanua Viti. tonga. 


fenua Futuna, Uvea, Sikaiana, Vaitupu, | fonua Tonga, Niué. 
Kapingamarangi, Moiki, Faka- | honua Hawaii. 
ofo, Marquesas, Tahiti. 

henua Nuguria, Marquesas, Rapanui, 
Paumotu, Manahiki. 


MELANESIAN. 


1. vanua Arag, Vanua Lava, New | 23. panu Karkar, Pak. 
Georgia, Marina, Maewo, | 24. panth ‘Tami. 


Sesake, Malo, Mota, Omba, | 25. pon Vrinagol. 
Ugi, Kabadi, Uni, Pokau, | 26. podn Sissano. 
Vitu. 27. podm _ Arop. 
2. vanue Omba. 28. banua Galoma. 
3. Vanu Lakon. 29. bang Bilibili. 
4. Vanu-ga Sinaugoro, Hula, Keapara. 30. bina Lauan, Nonapai, lLakure- 
5. venua_ Epi, Santo. fanga, Panangai, Sali, Le- 
6. venuo- Baki. makot. 
7. vene Retan. 31. biné Lakurumau, Munuwai, Loch- 
8. vonua__ Baki. agon, Fezoa, Lawu. 
9. vono Pak, Sasar, Vuras, Leon. 32. bonu Lou. 
Io. na-vno Motlav. 33. mbona Neggela. 
II. vonio Norbarbar. 34. hanua_ Ugi, Laur, Lambell, Motu. 
12. wanua Duke of York. 35. hanuo __ Bissapu, Laur. 
13. qano (kwano) Hula. 36. henua_ Saa. 
14. fanua __— Bierian, Efaté. 37. henue__ Saa. 
15. faneu Central Carolines. 38. han Hanahan. 
16. fanu Graget, Paluan, Leut, La- | 39. eanua  Suau. 
massa. 40. ianua  ‘Tubetube. 
17. fanufan Mortlocks. 41. anua Roro, Motu, Manam. 
18. fenua  Vanikoro. 42. anu Rubi. 
19. fenu Malekula. 43. and Sissano, Arop, Malol, Tumleo, 
20. finua Fagani. Paup, Keapara. 
21. panua Mekeo, Panaieti, Barriai. 44. éne Marshalls. 


22. pangua Mekeo, Panaieti. 45. no Sissano, Arop, Malol. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 41 


The sense diversity herein involved, though not particularized in 
this series of variant forms, has been sufficiently discussed in ‘‘The 
Polynesian Wanderings” and in ‘“‘Subanu.’” We sum the conclusions 
there set forth in the statement that in Polynesian culture the stem 
may signify the mold, the land in which one lives, the whole round 
world. In Melanesia it may signify place in general, then island (as 
in the Polynesian Kapingamarangi), village, last of all house, as here 
in the Sissano. The specification in this definition of the usage in 
Sissano is employed to set the family house off against the more 
dignified houses of the men’s society and the so-called spirit houses. 

Friederici disclaims any purpose of establishing for the degradation 
forms found in New Guinea and the Bismarck Archipelago the devo- 
lution from the fanua type; yet in my judgment a very satisfactory 
descending series is manifest in the foregoing ordering of the material. 
This we shall examine through the Melanesian area in the light of such 
suggestion as may be deduced from the history of the word in the mod- 
ern Polynesian tongues. There we see in operation a double set of 
modifications. 

We have already established as fact that the more permanent 
element of any Polynesian vocable inheres in its vowel skeleton; that 
the play of mutation most variously affects the consonantal element. 
We shall, accordingly, give our first consideration to the less fixed 
consonants of the stem. We shall find in the Polynesian forms a nor- 
mal diagram of the word which may be presented to view in the formula 
labial ++ vowel + nua, in which the final element is fixed and under- 
goes no change. We have had occasion to establish the fact that in 
this family of languages the labials are of all consonants the most sub- 
ject to mutation and have offered in explanation of this phenomenon 
the hypothesis that this mutability lies in the fact that the speakers 
of the languages in question have not yet far advanced upon the con- 
trol of the lips as speech organs to be employed with fine precision. 
The strongest form of this initial labial is the spirant; sonant spirant 
v is found only in Viti vanua and is there associated with the a type 
of the mutant vowel; surd spirant f appears in the three forms fanua, 
fenua, fonua, associated with each of the three types of the mutant 
vowel. From this strong labial position the next step in mutation is 
upward in the series, that is, toward the weaker quality, arriving at 
the aspiration; here also we find in use the three vowel types in the 
forms hanua, henua, honua. The next step is a weakening to the 
semivowel proximate to the lingual series, w as still affected by the 
aspiration, hw, in the Maori whenua. ‘The final step is to the oblit- 
eration of the initial consonant, as in enua. “The vowel mutation we 
have just shown to extend in the series a-e-o, and this mutation 
seems not to be conditioned by any change in the mutant labial which 
precedes the vowel. 


42 SISSANO. 


We shall clarify the Melanesian situation by applying in the first 
instance the stem formula just presented. The forms which follow 
the formula, for the present disregarding variety in the nua element, 
are I, 2, 5, 6, 8, II, 12, 14, 15, 18, 20, 21, 22, 28, 34) 35; 36, 37) 39, 
40, 41. In this list the bold-faced type distinguishes forms which are 
encountered in the Polynesian series. Here we see that the initial 
consonant modulant follows from the labial spirants f and v the same 
course of weakening as in Polynesian, even to extinction (41), for we 
note (12) the Duke of York wanua as in close approximation to the 
Maori whenua, and (34-37) we have an aspirated group from north- 
ern Melanesia and the eastern Bismarck Archipelago with an outlier 
in southern New Guinea. Likewise in eastern New Guinea, in the 
closely associated languages of Suau and Tubetube, we have (39-40) 
an interesting form intermediate between hanua and anua; as between 
eanua and ianua the difference is of the slightest; they stand together 
as a Slight transition form produced by the weakening of the spiritus 
asper, leaving but a ghost of its impress before extinction. In parts 
of New Guinea and the Bismarck Archipelago we encounter a move- 
ment of strengthening of the labial, to the mutes sonant and surd b and 
p; so far as relates to this element of the stem these are the forms 21- 
33, the clearest types being Mekeo panua and Galoma banua. 

We are now in position to consider the initial element of the final 
evolutionary stage of thisstem. Reverting to our stem formula stated 
as labial + vowel + nua and stating for the present specific inquiry the 
second member, the mutable vowel, as a, we reduce the formula to labial 
+ anua. We have now to consider the status of the mutant labial in 
two possibilities. It may have been an original possession of a stem 
which has undergone mutation in accordance with the habit of the 
several languages in which we discover it. ‘This is the common 
system of interpretation of similar cases. Against this interpretation 
I strongly incline to set the somewhat considerable series of instances 
in which the mutant labial has reached the strongest position in the 
mutes b and p. If the archetype of the stem had been banua or 
panua there would have been no need for the Samoan to weaken 
it to fanua, for in the Polynesian languages we have attained to 
the richest development of the labials to be found in the Oceanic area, 
and it would have been simple for the Samoan to employ panua and for 
the Viti toemploy mbanua. On the other hand, if we assume an arche- 
type anua we shall find our difficulties resolved. ‘The more intimately 
I prosecute these minute investigations into primordial stems the 
more convinced do I become that a theory of mere mutation of con- 
sonants fails to account for form variety and the greater support do 
I obtain for my hypothesis that, in the evolution under the play of 
conscious intelligence which picks up the animal cry and by the appli- 
cation of consonant modulants with coefficient value transforms it 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 43 


into a medium of more or less precise communication of thought, 
we are to begin with the weaker forms, the more vocalic shapes, and 
employ such consonant possibilities as may exist to the particulariza- 
tion of a diffuse thought into a specific idea. 

In this instance assume a diffuse anua upon which arises the need 
of selection of one noumenon for specific designation. It is yet too 
early to attempt to pick out the broadly diffuse sense of archetypal 
anua. Even when it has been subjected to such influences of preci- 
sion as we here encounter, we find the sense still far too diffuse to 
comport with our conception of a vocable as a speech unit, for, as 
already pointed out, fanua has such a wide range of signification as 
shall include soil, land, house, hamlet, all in a single term. From 
extended comparison of the vocabulary material we discover that 
there were many meanings basic in an archetypal anua; we note 
solely for a single instance the anuanua which designates the rainbow 
and probably the Galaxy. When the need was felt in community of 
the parent stock of this speech, to particularize the group of signifi- 
cations hereinbefore noted there arose, or was reached after selective 
effort, the plan of employing, as the consonant modulant whose 
coefficient value should effect this end, a labial or, better stated, to 
use the lips. In my conception of what took place this determination 
was arrived at long anterior to the scission into independent speech 
units of the labial possibilities; this will serve best to account for 
the widest possible diversity of labial modulants such as we can trace 
out through this series. We meet here a most interesting problem, the 
conscious selection of a labial as modulant in this specification. To 
philology the problem must ever remain recondite, far beyond the 
possibility of linguistic solution; its comprehension must be left to 
psychology, and particularly to that new department of speech psy- 
chology in which Wundt has made such a brilliant beginning. Here 
we have not to deal with why a labial was selected for this purpose by 
infant minds in the infancy of speech; our task is simply to establish 
from the material spread upon this record before us the fact that by 
common consent a labial-at-large was chosen for this end and that 
each of the twigs of this language stem employs such one of the labials 
as best comports with the genius of its speech. When once the labial- 
at-large has come into being as the generally accepted consonant 
modulant of this specification of the vocable, and when each major 
group of the languages here involved had settled upon what partic- 
ular strength of labial to employ, we are willing to admit the commonly 
received laws of consonant mutation as becoming effective. ‘Thus 
in the case of the strictly Polynesian group we admit the selection of 
the spirant group and the choice out of that group by consonant 
mutation of surd Samoan fanua and sonant Viti vanua. 


44 SISSANO. 


Next we shall consider the second element of major variety in this 
stem, the only remaining variant in the Polynesian group, the mutable 
vowel which precedes the nua element. In the Polynesian we find 
this mutation confined within the series a—e-o. In the Melanesian 
material we discover the great bulk of the mutation within this series, 
but with two somewhat widely separated centers in which we encounter 
the 1 type. We note the a series, 1-4, 12-17, 21-24, 28-29, 34-35, 
38-43. Similarly the e series, 5-7, 18-19, 36-37, 44; then the o series, 
8-11, 25-27, 32-33. [he new material which Melanesia introduces, 
the 1 series, occurs in 20 Fagani finua of northern Melanesia but 
clearly associable with the type fanua, and 30-31 bina, biné of the 
eastern Bismarck Archipelago. 

In the Polynesian series we have noted that the nua element is 
subject to no alteration in form; it appears as a constant element. 
This is by no means the case in Melanesia; the changes offer an inter- 
esting study and their systematic evolution is essential to the establish- 
ment of the continuity of the stem. The nua element remains without 
alteration in 1, 5, 8, 12, 14, 18, 20, 21, 22, 28, 34, 36,30, 4070" 

The consonantal element n is but scantily altered; it is almost 
continuous throughout the series. In 22 we have pangua with the 
n—-ng mutation, which also appears in 29 bang. In 26 and 27 the 
correlated forms poén and poém seem to fall into grouping with 
25 pon. If this be admitted we have the n—m mutation. ‘This muta- 
tion is excessively rare; in a much wider comparison of Melanesian 
material (The Polynesian Wanderings, 135) I have discovered but a 
single instance and that extremely doubtful; of the converse m—n 
mutation there is better proof (zbid., 136). We are, therefore, without 
solution of the two forms here involved. 

Of the vowel mutation of this element the simplest form is that 
in nue, one readily comprehensible. This occurs twice; in 2 vanue 
and in 37 henue, in central and northern Melanesia respectively; 
15 faneu central Carolines is Micronesian and outside our present 
limits, yet it is readily explicable as fanue after metathesis, a not 
infrequent modifier. Of the same simple type is nuo. ‘This also 
occurs twice, in 6 venuo of central Melanesia and 35 hanuo of the 
eastern Bismarck Archipelago. A more remote modification, yet 
which seeks to retain the three units of nua, is 11 vonio, which can 
not be considered apart from 9 and 10, with which it forms a dialectic 
group. 

The next mutation group is formed by abrasion of the final nua 
vowel, thus reducing the element to two units instead of three. We 
find this new and degraded element nu in 3, 16, 17, 19, 23, 24, 32, 42. 
Taking nu as a new base, we find mutants as follows: no in 9, 10, 
13, 43,45; nein 7, 31, and possibly in 44 éne of the Marshalls, Microne- 
sian, and therefore beyond our scope; na in 30 and 33. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 45 


The ultimate step consists in the abrasion of the secondary nu by 
the still further loss of its vowel. We thus obtain forms in a final n, 
but in each case we arrive at them seriatim and there can be no doubt 
of their authenticity in devolution; these are 25 pén, with 26-27 
uncertainly associable, 38 han, and 29 bang with the addition of 
n-ng mutation. 


10. ar pandanus. 


REFERENCES: Melanische Wanderstrasse, 122: 11. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 210d. 


POLYNESIAN. 

fala Samoa, Tonga, Futuna. haa Marquesas. 
fara Tahiti. whara = Maori. 
faa Marquesas. vadra Viti. 
hala Hawaii. ara Mangaia. 

hara Mangareva, Rapanui. ka-hara Kapingamarangi. 

MELANESIAN. 
1. faran Lauan, Nonapai, Lakure- | 13. Ambél ‘Tanga. 
fanga. 14. war Bongu. 

2. farén Sali, Lemakot. 15. wal Tami. 

3. aférén Panangai. 16. ara Gilberts. 

4. fanda Panaras. 17. arén Avelus, Mongai. 
5. far Mortlocks. 18. arén Majum. 

6. vanda Vitu. 19. arartim Nayama-Pararas. 
7. Avédén Munuwai, Nemassalang, Fe- | 20. Anda Limba, Langanie. 

zoa, Lawu. 21. andan Lamassa. 

8. Avédin Lakurumau. 22. Oar Tumleo. 

9g. para Wuvulu, Aua. 7 aay Sér, Sissano, Vrinagol, Akur. 
10, parapara Barriai. 24. ran Bauung, Ngamat. 
Ir. pant Bilibili. 25. rén Bagail, Lossuk. 
12. baré Luf. 


Although this Melanesian series involves many obscure forms, there 
need be little difficulty in tracing out the succession. The Viti vadra 
affords an important clue. This mutation I have determined as the 
attempt by a preface of the nasal of the same series to protect and 
preserve the uvular r (Samoan Phonetics, 17 Journal of the Polyne- 
sian Society, 152). The principle of nasal support appears active in 4, 
6, I1, 13, 20, and 21. The mutation I|-d or r—d is well recognized in 
Melanesian studies and calls for no particular comment. We note 
a final n concerning which we can have no Polynesian evidence, since 
we have no record of noun substantives before the present type of 
open syllables was adopted. It is so well represented in the Melane- 
sian material that we safely regard it as a part of the original stem; 
it is found in 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 17, 18, and 21. Assuming an archetypal 
faran, we have in 1-5 a simple series of forms with f initial, in which 
4 fanda corresponds to Polynesian fala and fara. In 6, 7, 8 we find 
a series in which the initial consonant has undergone mutation to V; 
in 9, 10, and 11 to p; in 12 and 13 to b; and in 14 and 15 tow. We 
thus are led simply from an archetypal faran to 11 pant, and thence 
by ready inference to pantan or pandan, the latter being the Malay 
designation from which we have latinized pandanus, for the common 


46 SISSANO. 


derivation by dictionary etymologists from Malay pandang, meaning 
conspicuous, lacks both accuracy and sense. From 16 to 21 we find 
the same treatment applied to a working stem lacking the initial labial; 
19 arariim is here included, but with some doubt, for the rim element 
is incongruous and we lack data upon which to explain it. In 22 
and 23 we find an ara stem after final abrasion, and in 22 dar we find a 
step slightly weakened from the semivowel stage which occurs in 14 war 
and 15 wal. In 24 and 25 we find the archetypal faran reduced by 
frontal abrasion. Probably this represents an archetypal aran not 
yet differentiated by the initial labial, and the abrasion in 24-25 is 
then not syllabic, but merely the wearing off of frontal a. 


Il. arau sun. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse ,133d. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 200:10. Ray, 501:135. 


1. garo Galoma. 8. aru) Rubi. 

2. galo  Sinaugoro. 9. alo Efaté, Malo, Tangoa, Wuvulu, 
3. haro Keapara, Kerepunu. Aua, Kaniet. 

4. arau Arop, Sissano. 10. aloan Ninigo. 

5. ratte Sér. 11. al Marshalls. 

6. ar6 ___— Barriai. 12. at Graget. 

7. aro Hula. 13. ant Bilibili. 


This stem falls quite short of the Polynesian family; in fact, with 
one notable exception, it is confined to the region of New Guinea 
and the Bismarck Archipelago. ‘The exception is 9 alo, which appears 
at three stations of record in central Melanesia. It is quite impos- 
sible from the slight available material to determine whether the 
consonantal prefix in 1-3 pertains to an earlier stem or has been 
assumed in conformity with some local influence; we note that the 
forms are narrowly restricted to a single region in Papua. ‘The series 
6-9 involves no difficulty, and 10 aloan is probably alo compacted 
with a modifier whose sense we are unable at present to determine. 
The Marshall Islands lie outside our province, but 11 al is readily 
derived from alo and we include it here as providing the connecting 
link whereby the 1-t mutation may establish the place of 12 at and, 
with the addition of the principle of nasal preface, may set 13 ant 
in the series. In these studies we find abundant evidence of the 
employment of diphthongal au in place of 0; therefore 4 arau is readily 
derivative from alo, and 5 rau follows by frontal abrasion. 


12. at stone. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 135. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 211: 103. 
Ray, 500: 133. Subanu, 115. 


POLYNESIAN. 


fatu) Samoa, Tonga, Niué, Tahiti, Faka- | hathu Rotuma. 

ofo, Futuna, Aniwa, Fotuna, | whatu Maori. 

Sikaiana, Manahiki. haku Hawaii. 
vatu _—*vViti. atu Mangareva, Mangaia. 
hatu) Kapingamarangi. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 47 


MELANESIAN. 

1. fatu Efaté, Nguna. 27. a hat Kambangeriu. 

Ze fat Lamassa, Lambém, Ngolhon. | 28. n—hat Aneityum. 

3. fat Lauan, Nonapai, Lakure- | 29. had Bauung, Ngamat’ 
fanga, Sali, Panangai, Le- | 30. hét Lihir. 
makot, Fezoa. 31. patu Solomon Islands. 

4. fas Feis, Mogomog. 32. paté Bilibili. 

5. vatu Nggela, Vaturanga, Sesake, | 33. pato Manam. 

Bierian, Mota, Arag, Vitu, ; 34. pat Moanus. 
Sigab, Kowamerara. 35. ne-pat Aneityum. 

6. vat Mota, Belik, Lakurumau, | 36. pat Graget, Mouk. 
Munuwai, Lochagon, Ne- | 37. pat’ Kopar. 
massalang, Lawu. 38. patn Barriai. 

7. a vat Molot, Kait, Kalanga. 39. pa Dallmannhafen, Graget. 

8. ni-vat Eromanga. 40. pa Muschu. 

9. votu Tatau, Bierian. 41. batu Alu, Awa. 

Io. vot Marei, Simberi. 42. yat Kung. 

11. veto Tai. 43. at Sissano, Arop, Tsoi, Nokon. 

12. veat Volow. 44. at’ Tobadi. 

13. ve’e Alo Tegel. 45. fa’u Fagani. 

14. ve Nifilole. 46. fau Mekeo. 

15. ni-vit Malekula. 47. vau Hula, Keapara. 

16. varu Tagula. 48. veu Mugula, Suau. 

17. var Malekula. 49. hau Saa. 

18. wat Duke of York, Raluana, King. | 50. hoi-hau Ulawa. 

19. watwat Baravon, Duke of York. 51. bau Galoma. 

20. hati Hanahan. 52. daku Kiriwina. 

21. hat Bissapu, Punam, Nokon, Le- | 53. gaku Kiriwina. 
musmus. 54. vakuna Kabadi. 

22. hat Pala, Lambell. 55. veku Tubetube. 

23. hat Suralil. 56. weku Sariba. 

24. hat’ Hamatana. 57. pak Brierly Island. 

25. “hat Kalil. 58. kat Limba, Langanie. 

26. ‘hat Laur. 59. gat Limba, Langanie. 


Of the well-ordered Polynesian series only fatu, hatu, and vatu are 
established in the Melanesian languages, but we may infer the atu 
form from the occurrence (43, 44) of its immediate successors. Yet 
in Melanesia we have so complete a series of forms that we may carry 
the varieties of this stem unhesitatingly down to forms which, without 
such a suite of intermediaries, we should find it impossible to associate 
with the fatu source. Most of the variation in this list falls within 
mutation methods already quite familiar and which call for the briefest 
notice. Each unit of the stem is subjected to mutation. Initial f 
passes to its sonant v (5-17, 47-48), to the semivowel w (18, 19), 
to the aspiration h (20-30, 49-50), downward in the series from 
spirant to mute, surd p (31-40), sonant b (41, 51), to extinction 
(43-44) with a somewhat anomalous employment of the remote semi- 
vowelyin 42. The dominant vowel a is well preserved; we find muta- 
tion to e in 11-14, 48, 55-56; toiin 15; tooing, 10, 30. The muta- 
tions of t are so critical in establishing the continuity of the series 
that particular attention must be given to the support of each 
instance encountered. ‘The facile movement from surd to sonant d is 
found only in 29 had. The mutation t-s is found in 4 fas derived 
from the extra-limital Micronesian Caroline Islands. ‘This mutation 
is, however, well established in Polynesia and in Melanesia and will pass 
muster here. The mutation t-r (16-17) is not found in Polynesian; its 


48 SISSANO. 


existence has not been firmly established in Melanesia (The Poly- 
nesian Wanderings, 302); the most that we may venture is to propose 
this identification as not without some ground. ‘The t-k which has 
had such a compelling sweep over Polynesia is less marked in the 
Melanesian tongues, yet its existence has been satisfactorily estab- 
lished. So far, then, as relates to this unit of variety in items 52-57, 
we need have no doubt, although in other particulars these are the 
most obscure of all the fatu derivatives. The extinction of t, of 
equally compelling sweep in Polynesia as is its kappation, is less 
frequent in Melanesia, but it has been proved in a sufficient number 
of instances; this enables us to include items 45—51 in the series without 
hesitation. The final vowel is frequently abraded after the common 
custom of many of these languages in order to produce the closed 
stem which seems more cordial to Melanesian enunciation. We find 
the mutation u—o in 11 and 33, u-e in 32, for both of which there is 
abundant confirmation. At the end of the list (52-59) I have set a 
small group of forms which are in varying degrees doubtful. In 57 
pak we shall have little hesitation in hanging the form by kappation 
on 34 pat, concerning whose affiliation with fatu there can be no doubt. 
In the group of consimilars 54-56 I am sure that we are justified in 
finding a valid derivation; omitting the added syllable in vaku-na we 
shall find in kappation a good derivation from vatu and this once 
established 55 and 56 swing into line. The Kiriwina forms 52 daku and 
53 gaku are very difficult. If53 be established as a fatu derivative it is 
apparent that 58 and 59 follow as easy corollaries. Although in the 
‘Polynesian Wanderings’ I have noted a few and very doubtful 
instances in which the mutation f-d, f-g slightly suggests itself, I can 
not accept it. If we were to assume for these forms a mutant batu 
stem, we might be led aside to consider a progression of mutes, a 
principle well established in other language families; but in these 
isolating languages such a progression is not to be considered for a 
moment, for mutation here is narrowly restricted to the possibilities 
of each speech organ and does not pass to any other, save for the very 
modern movement of interserial mutation in the nasals and the mutes 
which has not yet been established beyond the palatals and the linguals. 


18a. bei flying fox. 


REFERENCE: Deutsch-Neuguinea, 201: 19. 


POLYNESIAN. 
peka Futuna, Niué, Rarotonga, Ma- | pe‘a Samoa. 
ngaia. opeapea Hawaii. 
pekapeka Maori. beka Sikaiana, Viti, Tonga. 
MELANESIAN. 
1. béka Kowamerara, Namatanai, 5. bianga Barriai. 
Namarodu, Lalinau, Bi- 6. bék Nokon. 
' sapu, Punam. 7. mimbék ‘Tatau. 
2. mimbéka Kowamerara. 8. ambiak = Lihir. 
3. béga Vitu. 9. bea Wuvulu, Aua. 
4. bege Belik. Io. béi Sér, Sissano. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 49 


Little need detain us in the Melanesian series, for the mutations 
are almost all of familiar types. The k-ng mutation in 5 bianga is of 
frequent occurrence. In this form and in 8 mbiak we find the stem e 
reproduced by ia, in which we detect a slight suggestion of semivowel 
introduction of the principal vowel. ‘This treatment is rare in Mela- 
nesia, but it is found as a distinctive character of the speech of Volow 
in the northern New Hebrides, concerning which Codrington notes: 
“It is characterized by the introduction of e before a and i before e 
in a close syllable; this latter peculiarity is not heard in the mouths 
of all the people, but it is characteristic.”’ (Melanesian Languages, 322.) 
A Volow instance has been recorded at item 12 of the list of 12 at 
preceding. The incorporation of this stem in the present work rests 
upon the Sér-Sissano béi, an imperfect form; yet as the a-i mutation 
occurs in the final and unaccented syllable and is supported by frequent 
similar instances in the Melanesian languages, we may regard the 
identification as sufficiently satisfactory. 


24. bor boat without outrigger. 


1. por Sér, Malol. 4. bul Murapa, Tsoi, Kawiéng. 
2. bor Sissano. 5. bil Dyaul, Lemusmus, Panemego. 
3. btir Sissano, Arop. 6. vul Kung. 


The series runs only through this northern New Guinea region 
and with sense modification into New Hanover. In the Sissano 
lagoons the object designated is distinctly the pirogue and not the 
outrigger; in 4 and 6 it is the outrigger boat; and in 5 it is boat without 
any distinction stated. | 


26. bul moon. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 117:98. Ray, 494:88. Turner, 354. 
Codrington, 47:41. Polynesian Wanderings, 329. Subanu, 141. 


POLYNESIAN. 
pupula Niué. hula, hual Rotuma. 
vula ‘Viti. 
MELANESIAN. 
1. pulan Chamorro. 17. flén Lochagon, Nemassalang, La- 
2, pula Wuvulu, Aua. kurumau,Munuwai, Fezoa, 
3. pul Paluan, Tou, Umre, Leut, Lawu. 
Uap. 18. fulé Graget. 

4. pura Angadi, Mimika. 19. ful Saran. 

5. puna Wuvulu, Aua. 20. vula Pokau, Marina, Arag, Mota, 
6. bura Lakahia. Vaturanga, Nggela, Bugo- 
7. bulo Uni. tu, Belaga. 

8. buia Uni. 21. mivura Kowamerara. 

9. bul Sér, Sissano. 22. vule Omba. 

10. mbul Moanus. 23. Vuia Pokau. 

11. bol Pak, Leng. 24. vul Merlav, Gog, Lakon. 

12. bue Hula, Keapara, Galoma. 25. vol Mosin. 

13. bu Arop. 26. hura Wango. 

14. furan Lobo, Mairassis. 27. halén Lemusmus. 

15. fallin Sali, Lemakot. 28. ahualén Lihir. 

16. falén Lauan, Nonapai, Lakure- | 29. huia Doura. 


fanga. 


50 SISSANO. 


30. hua Motu. 37. alén Bauung, Ngamat, Bagail, 
31. wuran Namatote. Majum, Lossuk, Avelus, 
32. wula_ , Maewo. Mongai. 
33. wol Vuras, Motlav, Volow, Mo- | 38. ulén Kung, Tsoi. 
sin. 39. Glin Limba, Langanie. 
34. Wui Rubi. 40. mitra  ‘Tatau. 
35. uran Utanata, Karufa. 41. ola Ambrym. 
36. lang Nayama-Panaras. 42. é€ngdling Tegarot. 


The Polynesian series is of much greater extent than is here offered, 
but in the main the use of the stem in designation of the moon has 
yielded to the later term masina. ‘The basic signification of the stem 
fulan is that of shining or emitting a bright light. This theme will 
be found discussed at length in ‘“The Polynesian Wanderings’ and 
needs no attention in this place. In the Melanesian series the sense 
is wholly that of the moon as the shining body. ‘The final consonant 
remains in 1, 14-17, 27, 28, 3I, 35, 37-39, and with a facile mutation 
to ng in 36 and possibly in 42. ‘The initial consonant runs the whole 
series of possible mutations in the labial series. The u vowel is 
remarkably permanent; we find mutation to o in 11, 25, 33, 41, and 
possibly in 42; in 17 flén we assume its extinction, a most unusual 
case involving the bringing together of two consonants. The second 
consonant exhibits great persistence as I-r; in 13 bu it has finished 
by final abrasion from 9 bul; in 12 bue, and in 30 hua, and in 34 wui 
it has somewhat anomalously dropped out from between the two 
vowels and the loss is not to be explained as a final abrasion. In 8 
buia, in 23 vuia, and in 29 huia we find in a restricted group of lan- 
guages in Papua reported by Ray the mutation 1-i; this is rare in all the 
material which we have set under review in other and more compre- 
hensive work upon these tongues, but the principle is by no means unfa- 
miliar in modern European languages. ‘The changes which the second 
vowel undergoes offer nothing of note. In 42 we have ngoling, a form 
of doubtful association with this stem. We could give it room with- 
out difficulty if it were possible to comprehend a mutation p-ng; we 
do not find this exactly, but the precisely similar f-ng seems to be 
involved in the case of (Polynesian Wanderings, 271)— 


Samoan fia Vaturanga ngisa Nggao ngiha 


It is therefore possible to admit this form. 


37. daman father. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 141:158. Ray, 488:46. Polynesian 
Wanderings, 272. Subanu, 144. 


POLYNESIAN. 


tama Samoa, Fakaofo. tamana Futuna, Sikaiana, Fotuna, Nugu- 
tama Aniwa, Viti. ria, Nukuoro. 
tamai Tonga, Uvea. _| taman Kapingamarangi. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 1 


MELANESIAN. 


1. tama Efaté, Mota, Duke of York, | 15. daman  Subanu. 
Buka, Baravon, Neggela, | 16. dama Jabim, Bukaua, Tami. 
Laur, King, Sesake, Malo, | 17. hama Roro. 


Bierian, Tangoan Santo, | 18. ’ama Ulawa, Wango, Uni. 
Arag, Vaturanga, Bugotu, | 19. ama saa, Bululaha, Wagawaga, 
Motu, Sinaugoro, Rubi, Mekeo, Hula, Keapara, 
Suau, Sariba, Tubetube, Galoma, Tavara, Awalama, 
Panaieti, Misima, Nada, ‘Taupota, Wedau. 
Murua, Kiriwina, Dobu, | 20. wama Fagani. 
Mukawa, Kubiri, Raga, | 21. kama Pokau, Doura. 
Kiviri, Barriai, Kobe, Ja- | 22. rama Tagula. 
bim. 23. karama_ Baki. 
2. tama Pala. 24. tata Malekula, Tangoan Santo. 
3. tamaa_ Redscar Bay (N. G.). 25. Chacha WNengone. 
4. tama-ge Kilenge, Maleu. 26. dada Raqa. 
5. tama-gn Barriai. 27. ma Neggao, Lo. 
6. tamai Mota. 28. mama Mota, Omba, Gog, Alite, 
7. tamam Manam. New Georgia, Koita, Motu. 
8. tame Oiun. 29. mamai__— Boniki, Galavi. 
g. tema Efaté. 30. mam Merlav, Lakon, Pak, Sasar, 
Io. etma Aneityum. Vuras, Mosin, Alo Tegel, 
11. temi Eromanga. . Motlav, Volow, Norbar- 
12. tima Santo. bar, Rumba. 
13. timi(n) Tanna. 31. nam Panaieti, Misima. 
14. tumai Nifilole. 


Through 19 items of variant forms this orderly series is convincing, 
for the mutations are of the most frequent and best-established types. 
In 10 etma we have no difficulty in noting the influence of metathesis 
upon the next preceding form. The aspirated form 17 hama is not 
extraserial mutation, for I have already established that the aspira- 
tion is triple, at least in its incidence, and that an aspiration lies proxi- 
mate to each consonantal series. Particular interest attaches to 20 
wama. ‘This is found within a group of languages which have attained 
the ama form by the method of frontal abrasion. It seems that the 
w in wama represents the stage of transition between an initial t and 
its extinction, a ghost of a remembrance that there was originally 
some sort of consonant there, a function which may well be performed 
by the obscure semivowel w. We may interpret 21 kama in terms 
of the kappation of t, which is so frequent in eastern regions of the 
Pacific. The mutation t-r is sufficiently well established to account 
for 22 rama. ‘This may serve to establish 23 karama, in which the 
form occurs with some sort of prefix; though the two points are widely 
separated, they are, in my interpretation of migration movement, 
associable as ports along the Viti Stream from Indonesia to Melanesia 
by way of Torres Straits. A group of three forms, 24-26, seems to 
involve the abrasion of the final syllable of tama and the duplication 
of the former; those linguists of a school not yet wholly inactive, who 
seek to find the origin of infant speech in instinct, might employ the 
argument from dada, which our infants share with the savages of 
Raqa, except for the fact that this same series shows in 28 mama a far 
more extended employment of a name for father which in the infancy 


a2 SISSANO. 


of Europeans is devoted to the other parent. In this next group 27 
ma follows readily upon 19, undergoes duplication to produce 28, in 
29 receives the same addition that appears in Polynesia and in 6 and 
14, then by final abrasion becomes 30 mam. ‘The passage from mam 
to nam involves a mutation which is infrequent, yet which has been 
observed in other of these studies. (See page 133.) 


31. doptin egg. 
REFERENCE: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 37a, 86a. 
1. tipdng Sér. 
This is the only cognate which appears in these records, two forms 
of vocable found only in the Sissano lagoons and of uncertain source. 


34. el stone ax. 


REFERENCE: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 770. 


Tae) Sissano. 10. giro Keapara. 
2. iere Jotafa. 11. gilo Galoma. 
Ss. yer Paup, Yakomul. 12. kilokile Bugotu. 
4. iém Sali. 13. ira Motu, Kabadi, San Cristoval. 
5. iém Lauan. 14. ilama Suau. 
6. aiyém lLemakot, Lakurumau, Pana- | 15. iran Nissan. 
ngai. 16. ari Barriai. 

7. ariam Gazelle Peninsula. 17. kima Limba. 

kiém Majum. 18. baré Wogeo. 


9. gila Negela. 


Lacking cognates in Polynesia and Indonesia, we are scantily able 
to trace out what unity of stem may be supposed to exist in this 
series. ‘The items 1-3 are clearly enough a single stem; another is 
seen in 4-8; yet a third, much wider in extent, in 9-15. The Barriai 
ari may through metathesis devolve from 13; probably in that case 
18 baré may find association therewith. Likewise 17 kima is closely 
allied with 8 kiém. On such scanty material it would be unwise 
to seek to establish stem unity. Yet I must point out that in 1-3, 7, 
9-16, and 18 we find either e(i) r (1) or re(i); that from 7, in which the ri 
appears, we find a consistent suite in 6-4-5-8. If, then, all these 
forms are reducible to the two types er and ri it will involve no great 
difficulty to establish the possibility of the interchangeability of the 
two stem elements, or rather their passage by two channels from a 
common source. It is by no means improbable that this stem is 
associable with 88 sel stone. Color is lent to this view by the fact 
that. the metonymy of designating an article by its component 
material is much anterior to the systems of formal rhetoric. To 
denominate this type of club as the stone finds a parallel in nuclear 
Polynesia where club names are as various in their forms, yet it is 
perfectly permissible to use the term lakau wood. In the savagery 
which persists into our own militancy, the expression “cold steel”’ 
instances the case in point. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 53 


45. kalak wooden pillow. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 109: 81. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 209: 87. 
Polynesian Wanderings, 241. 


POLYNESIAN. 
alunga Samoa. uluna _- Hawaii. 
aruna Nuguria. urua Tahiti. 
olunga ‘Tonga. turua Tahiti, Marquesas. 
urunga Maori, Rarotonga, Mangareva. | rurunga Paumotu. 
ulunga Futuna, Uvea, Niué. rangua Rapanui. 
MELANESIAN. 
1. na kdlinga Kilenge. 15. 6langon Lakurumau. 
2. nakdliinga Barriai. 16. 6lana Hamatana. 
3. gulangén JLauan, Nonapai, Lakure- | 17. 6lingén Lawu. 
fanga. 18. élingén Panagai. 
4. gulingain lLauan, Nonapai, Lakure- | 19. Glingen Panaras. 
fanga. 20. ulunga Mota Veverau. 
5. kalak Sissano, Arop, Yakomul, | 21. ulGngén Avelus, Lossuk. 
Dakur, Put, Kumenim. | 22. dltingén Bagail, Majum, Mongai, 
6. kalaik Paup. Sali, Lemakot. 
7. kalaké Kaip. 23. Gltingin Fezoa. 
8. kalik Bilibili. 24. uilinga Ponape. 
9g. kalika Bogadjim. 25. tiilana Hanahan. 
10. kélu Vrinagol, Tsinapali, Akur. | 26. ulumwa Efaté. 
11. aliga Manam. 27. unua Dufaure Island. 
12. alok Tumleo. 28. luluna Wuvulu, Aua. 
13. ilinga Mota Maligo. 29. lala Limba, Langanie. 
14. 6langén Munuwai, Lochagon, Ne- | 30. pilingén lLamassa. 
massalang. 31. vatliangén Tegarot. 


The technical question is well discussed by Friederici in his ‘‘Mela- 
nesische Wanderstrasse,”’ as cited above. In Samoa, where we have 
abundant material wherewith to study the vocabulary of the elder or 
Proto-Samoan migration and the junior or Tongafiti swarm, we find 
alunga used of the soft pillow or roll of siapo and (k)‘ali of the wooden 
headrest. In the examination of this Melanesian series we shall find 
the point at which these two now diverse terms unite in a common 
stem. In the Polynesian series we may follow a series from alunga to 
urua which involves none but familiar mutations; to this series belongs 
Rapanui rangua, as explained in detail sub voce in “Easter Island.”’ 
In Tahiti turua and Paumotu rurunga we see the impulse to preface the 
alunga stem with some consonant. In the similarly prefaced forms in 
Melanesia we have no instance of a prefaced t, but the Paumotu rurunga 
is immediately paralleled by 29 luluna. In the examination of the 
prefaces in Melanesia we find a consistent series through the first 1o 
items in which the palatal is used, k 8 times, the sonant g twice. ‘This 
series of prefaced forms has particular importance in establishing the 
stem unity of alunga and ‘ali. From 1 kiélingad under the interplay of 
vowels which freely characterizes this stem, together with the common 
and serial ng—k mutation, the first step leads us to 7 kaluke, the next by 
added vowel change to g kalika, the next to 8 kalik; from this point 
abrasion of the final consonant yields kali, which has not yet been 
discovered in Melanesian material but is suggested by 10 kélu; kali is 


54 SISSANO. 


a form in use in Viti and the loss of the k characterizes modern er 
and thus,we arrive at ‘ali without a break in the chain. 

Following the study of the prefaced forms, we find two which are 
somewhat anomalous, 30 pilingén and 31 vatlingén ‘The latter seems 
to be a compaction of vat, a word-stem of sense not yet determined, 
and the remnant of 21 ulingén after frontal abrasion. But the p pre- 
face in ptiliingén offers an interesting suggestion. In Paumotu rurunga, 
28 luluna, and 29 lula we find a group of liquid prefaces. But in 3 guli- 
ngen, and 1 kélinga, in Tahiti turua, in 30 pilungén, we find a complete 
series of mute prefaces, palatal g-k, lingual t, labialp. We have already 
pointed out another series of mutation which suggests progression of the 
mutes. In the isolating languagesof the Pacific we can establish no such 
simple rule as the Grimm’s law of the inflected tongues of the Indo- 
European family, but we shall find a great interest in the few, perhaps 
fortuitous, instances in which we may trace the beginnings of such a 
system. It serves here to set against this apparent suggestion of 
mute progression that the method of mutation normal to these isolat- 
ing languages is most distinctly serial and that no frequency of inter- 
serial mutation is discovered save among the nasals, and that only 
partially. 

In the Polynesian series we find an a-o—u range of the initial 
vowel, but with a considerable preponderance of u,. The same inclina- 
tion holds in Melanesian; we have 17 forms.in u, 7 in a, 6 in o, and a 
single instance of i in 13 ilinga, a vowel which does not appear at 
all in the Polynesian series. Two widely separated forms of close 
resemblance are 24 uilinga of the central Carolines and therefore 
properly Micronesian, and 25 tilana of the northern Solomons. I have 
provisionally counted these among the u forms, but there seems reason 
to assign them to theigroup. ‘The ictus in ifland suggests that the 
preceding u has value as compensatory for the loss of a vanishing 
consonant, a suggestion which I have advanced in the discussion 
of 39 eanua in item 8, and 20 wamain item 27. The stem 1 retains 
its character throughout Melanesia, with the single exception of 
27 unua, and this I1-n mutation is quite common and involves but 
the slightest possible movement in progress of the lingual possi- 
bilities. The second stem vowel remains u without change in the 
Polynesian series after resolving the metathesis of Rapanui rangua, 
and is constant through 19 Melanesian forms. It passes to a in 
14-16 and 25, a group of closely related languages; 29 lila is prob- 
ably of this a series, but the form is so much reduced below criti- 
cal character that we include it only on tolerance. It is represented 
by o in but one form 12 alék. The passage to i possesses great 
critical importance for us in the establishment of the unity of 
alunga and ‘ali; we find it in 8, 9, 13, 17, 19, and 24. ‘The mutation 
undergone by the ng element is typical of Oceanic speech; it passes to k 
in 5-9 and 12, to g in 11, to n interserially in 16, 25, and 28, and to 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 59 


extinction in 10, 27, and probably in 29. The mutation to mw in 26 
tlumwa is local to Efaté and is susceptible of explanation in the slight 
command of the lips in speech which has been attained by that singu- 
larly backward folk. ‘The final a is retained unmodified in all Polyne- 
sian and in 12 of the Melanesian items; it is obliterated to produce a 
resultant closed vocable in 5, 6, 8, and 12, and in complete excision 
of the final syllable in 10 and 29; it passes to e in 7. Its greatest 
modification in Melanesia is harmonious inter se but anomalous in the 
series of phonetic changes. This consists in the assumption of a final 
n accompanied by vowel modification. If this n were regarded as 
pertaining to an archetypal stem we should expect to find its retention 
in other than this specific form; such, however, is not the case, and 
it is noteworthy that we have no evidence of what should be the 
simplest case of its employment, for alunga—n does not occur and the 
assumed n invariably is accompanied by modification of the vowel. 
The forms met with are predominantly of the en type, in 3, 14, 17-19, 
21-22, 30-31, once each in in in 23, in on in 15, in unin 4. It does 
not appear that this modification of the final vowel under the addition 
of n extends its influence to the next preceding vowel, for we find final 
en with preceding u in 3, 18, 21-22, final un with preceding uw in 4, 
final in with preceding u in 23, final en with preceding a in 14, final 
on with preceding a in 15, final en with preceding iin 17 and 19. 


52. lépi sago. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 125:122. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 231: 
148. Ray, 406: 109; 497: 109. 


POLYNESIAN. 
pia Samoa, Niué, Maori, Sikaiana, | biebia Tonga. 
Marquesas, Mangareva. yambia Viti. 
piapia Tahiti, Futuna. 
MELANESIAN. 
I. rapia Keapara, Kabadi, Suau. 19. abi Paluan, Pak. 
2. rapiana Kabadi. 20. ébi Lou. 
3. rabia Motu, Doura, Hula, Sariba, | 21. api Mouk. 
Panaieti, Murua, Dobu, | 22. bia Shortland Islands. 
Wedau. 23. bia Alu, Awa, Belik, Bisapu, 
4. lapia Galoma. Punam. 
5. labia Nakanai, Sinaugoro, Misima. | 24. 4 mbia Namatanai, Lalinau. 
6. yabia Musa, Tagula, Kiriwina. 25. piapia Ngela. 
7. labia Manukolu. 26. viat6v6 Burruwe. 
8. lebia Nada. 27. vuatah6o Hamatana. 
g. leiba Rubi. 28. vuat6  Petat. 
10. rabi Koiari, Koita. 29. ngovia New Hanover. 
Il. rapi Yakomul. 30. ngavié Bauung, Ngamat. 
12. rapich Paup. 31. bariam Nufoor. 
13. labi Jabim. 32. barao Luff. 
14. lambi Tami. 33. baleo Pokau. 
15. lapi Arop, Malol. 34. bayau Maisin. 
16. lapich Tumleo. 35. baiyau) Musa. 
17. lepi Sér, Sissano. 36. pareho’ Roro. 


18. iabi Mulaha. 


The sense in this series of forms is conditioned by the geographical 
extent of the sago palm. In Viti its existence was not economically 


56 SISSANO. 


recognized until Dr. Seemann discovered it in Viti Levu.* It does not 
become a source of food until we pass through Melanesia almost to 
New Guinea. ‘The word, however, exists in Polynesia, as shown 
by the series here set forth, and it is applied to the arrowroot. This 
gives ground for the interpretation of the element pia as descriptive 
of some quality which is equally true of the arrowroot and of the pith 
of the sago palm. ‘The most distinctive common quality, which would 
appeal to the savage mind as a quality worthy to serve for descriptive 
designation, is that each exists in the form of a sticky paste and that 
each in the process of preparation gives off an abundant waste of 
feculence which in those warm lands speedily undergoes an offensive 
corruption. ‘That the sense of pia lies somewhere in these characters 
is inferable from the fact that in Maori it denotes the gum exuding 
from trees; in Tahiti the gum of the banana blossom, blood clot, and 
the lochia; in Moriori diarrhea; and in Tongan it expresses the sense 
of purulence. In the more-developed forms of the name of sago in 
Indonesia and the New Guinea region we shall do well to bear in mind 
that these are compactions of some general noun qualified by the 
character expressed by pia. ‘The Melanesian series has been so ordered 
as to show a course of devolution from a certain standard form regarded 
as a compaction in the beginning and then treated as an established 
unit. This series extends through the first 21 items with satisfactory 
continuity. The working stem here is ra-pia, in which the initial 
consonant follows common mutations through 1 and a semivowel to 
extinction in 19-21. In 6 and 7 we have the Viti form and in 18 a 
devolution form by final abrasion. If 9 leiba is not a printer’s error in 
Ray’s report, it is readily comprehensible as metathetic upon 8 leiba. 
In 10-11, 13-15, 17-18 we find the immediately succeeding type of 
rabia after final abrasion, and in 12 and 16 we find a pair of forms of 
this abraded type which have picked up a new final in the palatal ch. 
In 19-21 we find this abraded type still more reduced by the not 
infrequent frontal abrasion. In the group 22-30 we begin with the 
simple bia stem which extends in the series to 25 piapia, a duplication 
form which occurs in Tahiti and Futuna. In 29 and 30 we have a 
parallel of rapia in which via-vie, a simple variant of pia, is applied in 
the descriptive position to a stem nga-ngo; it does not seem likely that 
nga can be associated with ra, though there do exist instances of the 
r-ng mutation. In 26-29 we have a group in which an unmistakable 
pia derivative is defined by the addition of three several stages of a 
stem as to whose signification we have no clue. Friederici cites Ray 
as suggesting metathesis as operative in the case of 34-35. It may 
be applicable to the whole series 31-36. ‘Taking a start in 31 bariam 
and comparing the assumption of final m with the syllable assumed in 
2 rapiana, we can readily see how mechanically baria is metathetic 


*Seemann ‘‘A Mission to Viti,’’ 291. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 57 


upon rabia. That once granted, it is simple evolution in form to account 
for the remainder of the series. But while the metathesis is mechani- 
cally possible, there is grave reason to doubt its feasibility in another 
and most important regard. We have seen that ra—bia is a compac- 
tion of a noun and a descriptive modifier. In these languages, while 
such compaction is easy and tends to assume a certain degree of per- 
manence, it is scarcely comprehensible that the component words 
can so far have lost their individuality as to suffer metathesis from 
one word unit to the other destructive of each. We may illustrate 
this in English: ‘‘dun cow” is a similar association, though not com- 
paction, of noun and descriptive modifier; metathesis would produce 
“cun dow,” which might pass muster as a Spoonerism, but which 
certainly wrecks the sense of each word. 


55. mal perineal band. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 114:93. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 208a. 


POLYNESIAN. 
malo Samoa, Viti, Futuna, Niué, Hawaii. maro Atiu, Maori, Tahiti, Mangaia, Ma- 
ngareva, Rapanui. 
MELANESIAN. 
1. malo Mota, Barriai, Kobe, Omba. Aweleng, Amgd, Mait, 
Wogeo, Manam. Namarodu, Punam, Sura- 
2. malomalo Pororan, Petat, Omba. lil, Pororan, Petat, Malol, 
3. mar6d Anuda. Keule, Siassi. (Waigiou: 
4. malu Tsinapaéli. Akur, Vrinagol, mar; Nufoor: maar.) 
Kait. 6. mol Tumleo, Manikam. 
5. mal Arop, Sissano, Paup, Yako- | 7. mel Bogadjim. 
mul, Karkar, Siar, Saran, | 8. mdol Tumileo. 


Graget, Bilibili, Langtub, 


The study of this series of Melanesian designations for the import- 
ant article of male attire is complicated by the fact, which Friederici 
points out, that in most of the communities here recorded the men 
went wholly nude until quite recent times. ‘Their earliest contact 
with a type of culture slightly above their own was in the introduction 
of mission endeavor, and in this the pioneers were largely Samoan 
teachers. Thus was provided a channel for the introduction along 
with the new garb of its Samoan name malo. At the same time there 
is reason to determine that at least some Melanesian communities 
had vocables of this stem from their remote antiquity. The mutation 
in this series offers little upon which to comment, for all the altera- 
tions are of the most familiar type. 


56. man bird. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 71: 160, 142). Deutsch-Neuguinea, 
192. Ray, 392: 11, 483:11. Codrington, 39:5. Subanu, 132. Polynesian 
Wanderings, 372. 


POLYNESIAN. 
manu Samoa, Tonga, Tahiti, Mangareva, Marquesas, Paumotu, Viti, To- 
Rarotonga, Mangaia, Futuna, ngarewa, Kapingamarangi. 


Niué, Uvea, Fotuna, Bukabuka, | manman Rotuma. 
Maori, Hawaii, Nuguria, Rapanui, 


08 SISSANO. 
MELANESIAN. 
I. manuk New Ireland (Carteret | 11. in-man Aneityum, 
Harbor). 12. Na-man Makura. 
2. manug Tanna. 13. Maan Brierly Island. 
3. manu Kobe, Kelana, Vitu, |] 14. mang Manam. 
Bauung, Ngamat,] 15. main ser. 
Lauan, Nonapai, La- | 16. mané Mongai. 
kurefanga, Sali, Lema- | 17. mani Tsoi, Lossuk, Lawu, Mu- 
kot, Lemusmus, Pan- nuwai, Lochagon, Ne- 
angai, Domaru, Mailu, massalang, Fezoa, Kon- 
Motu, Pokau, Kabadi, do, Yalui, Lamassa, 
Sinaugoro, Hula, Kea- Lambom, Tubetube. 
para, Galoma, Rubi, | 18. manimani  Avelus. 
Suau, Nada, Awalama, | I9. manumanu Uni. 
Taupota, Mukawa,!/ 20. menu Baki, West Epi. 
Efaté, Sesake, Epi, | 21. menok Eromanga. 
Bierian, Maewo, Mota, | 22. men Pak, Motlav, Norbarbar, 
Ulawa, Wango, Bulu- Sasar, Volow. 
laha, Fagani,Saa,Arag, | 23. méan méan Tumleo. 
Omba, Vaturanga, | 24. ni-min Malekula. 
Bugotu, Nggela,| 25. mien Paup, Yakomul. 
Nguna, Ruavatu, Ugi, | 26. mon Kilenge, Vanua Lava, 
Belaga. Lo, Alo Tegel, Retan, 
4. manua Kiriwina, Dobu. 27. monmon Paluan, Lou. 
5. mantai Mouk, Moanus. 28. ma Bukaua, Graget, Kowa- 
6. manuwai_ Leng. merara, Sigab, Simberi, 
7. manti Bagail, Majum. Tagula. 
8. manuwu- Burruwe, lapa. 29. mah Lakon. 
9. malu Alite. 30. mo Jabim. 
Io. man Barriai, Siassi,° Tami, | 31. mamu Kubiri, Raqa, Oiun. 
Rook, Arop, Sissano, | 32. nanu Marina. 


Wogeo, Limba, Langa- 
nie, Bissapu, Punam, 
Tubetube, Murua, 
Pala, Laur, Merlav, 
Mota, Norbarbar, Gog, 
Vura, Mosin, Gilberts. 


The zoological content of this vocable has been sufficiently studied 
in The Polynesian Wanderings (page 372). It serves to designate 
all animated creatures which have not been specifically named, and 
for the most part this applies to those beings whose habitat is on the 
earth or in the air, for we find very few examples of its extension to 
animals of the waters. In our Melanesian material the word is defined 
almost wholly as bird, but it is altogether likely that riper acquaint- 
ance with these languages will show that manu has been also the wider 
connotation. When we examine the Indonesian contributions to the 
record of this stem we shall have to note the characteristic final palatal. 
Owing to the genius of the Polynesian languages this final consonant 
is prevented from appearing, but in this Melanesian series the manuk 
form is singularly absent; it occurs but three times, manug and 21 
menok in southern Melanesia, 1 manuk on no particularly good author- 
ity in the eastern Bismarck Archipelago. We should expect it to be 
more frequent in the New Guinea region as nearer the great extent of the 
form in Indonesia. We note, however, from this region in the items 
4-8 a tendency toward expansion of manu through vowel additions 
which may be taken to suggest some relation to the Indonesian forms. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 59 


In general we find a smooth succession of simple mutation forms, the 
change principally affecting the former vowel of the stem and retain- 
ing the m—n consonant pair unaffected. The mutations of the n, 
omitting reference to its excision as shown in 28-30, are the following: 
to 1 in 9, to ng in 14, and to min 31. ‘The m remains unaltered 
except in 32 nanu. The two forms 31 mamu and 32 nanu, though 
widely separated geographically, are associable in mutation mechanics; 
the mutation is interserial, lingual to labial and labial to lingual 
respectively, and is abundantly supported in each direction. 


56a. man bal Ptilopus pigeon. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 138: 149. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 201. 


1. baltis Lauan, Lalinau, Punam, | 20. man-bal Sissano. 
Namarodu, Kait, La- | 21. abol Kilenge. 
massa, Bauung, Laur, | 22. bil Pak. 
Lambell, King, Ngamat, | 23. mbun Rook. 
Bagail, Majum, Lossuk, | 24. balts Pire, Bisapu, Jabim, Pa- 
Fezoa, Lakurumau, La- labong. 
wu, Panangai, Munu- | 25. 4m balts  Lihir. 
wai, Lochagon, Nemas- | 26. bala Nissan. 
salang, Lauan, Nonapai, | 27. mbalus Suralil. 
Lakurefanga. 28. baliis Palabong. 
2. baldsi Jabim. 29. bareng Nasioi. 
3. balis New Hanover, Limba, | 30. bartiidn Barriai. 
Langanie. 31. mimbiel Paup. 
4. € mbAalis Tegarot. 32. paldsi Jabim. 
5. mbalut Tami. 33. palusio Bukaua. 
6. mbaluz Mantok, Siassi. 34. paluch Ponape. 
7. balu Wuvulu, Aua. 35. palu Wuvulu, Aua. 
8. a balu Gazelle Peninsula. 36. padla Wuvulu, Aua. 
9g. mbalu Kobe, Vitu, Baravon. 37. pale Ambrym. 
10. Ambalu Matupi. 38. pal Ninigo. 
11. bard Marei, Simberi. 39. maim-pail Sér. 
12. mimboru Tatau. 40. mim-piel Paup. 
13. mi mbaru Kowamerara. 41. pol | Paluan, Leut, Lou. 
14. badla Alu. 42. man-pGli Arop. 
15. bola Neggela. 43. valtis Mongai, Lauan, Nonapai, 
16. bal Ninigo, Limba, Langanie. Lakurefanga, Sali, Le- 
17. a mbal Tanga. makot. 
18. mbal mbal Kaimanga, Rook. 44. volts Avelus. 


19. bal-rahé Yakomul. 


Except for the items 14, 15, 29, 34, and 37 this series is restricted to 
the Bismarck Archipelago and Kaiser-Wilhelmsland. The lacuna in 
Torres Straits and through Melanesia is due to the paucity of our 
material outside of the collections of Ray and Codrington, neither 
of whom included this bird-name in their comparative lists. The 
list deserves preservation here because we shall have occasion to dis- 
cuss its Indonesian affiliates. The series exhibits the brutality of 
the treatment which is bestowed upon their languages by these begin- 
ners in speech. Yet it is possible to trace out the thread of common 
origin when the various forms are thus ordered upon the attention. 
We may neglect the particular consideration of the several muta- 
tions, which for the present are curious rather than important. 


4 


60 SISSANO. 


61. natu child. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 107@. Ray, 485:25. Polynesian 
Wanderings, 198. 


POLYNESIAN. 
nati ‘Tahiti. ati Samoa, Maori, Tahiti, Mangareva, 
ngati Maori, Mangaia, Paumotu. Marquesas. 
etu) Rapanui. 
MELANESIAN. 

1. natu Tobadi, Sissano, Lihir, Laur, | 1o. netin Malekula. 
Nokon, Gazelle Peninsula, | 11. netei Volow. 
Bissapu. 12. nten Motlav. 

2. natu Tami, Szeak-Bagili, Alu, | 13. nat Mouk, Bauung, Ngamat, 
Awa, Barriai, Motu, Si- Kung, Tsoi, Lamassa, 
naugoro, Suau, Sariba, Tu- Duke of York, Pala, Moa- 
betube, Panaieti, Dobu, nus. 

Tavara, Awalama, Tau- | 14. a nat Petat. 

pota, Wedau, Galavi, Bo- | 15. fa-nat Lamassa. 

niki, Mukawa, Kubiri, Ra- | 16. not Paluan, Lou. 
qa, Kiviri, Oiun, Gog, | 17. natugi Omba, Mosin. 
Baravon, Lambell, Waga- | 18. natui Maewo, Mota. 
waga. 19. nitui Arag. 

3. natdin Tumleo, Lakon. 20. notui Vuras. 

4. natting Kung. 21. nutu Efaté, King, Lamassa. 

5. naku Pokau, Doura, Kabadi. 22. ngatu Manam. 

6. nahu Roro, Hula. 23. ngaunga Mekeo. 

7. nau Keapara, Galoma. 24. latu Jabim, Kiriwina. 

8. nati Bissapu, Merlav, Efaté, Bier- | 25. att Bukaua. 
ian, Omba, Makura. 26. ati Efaté. 

9. anati Malekula. 27. tu Vitu, Matupi. 


In my dictionary of Rapanui I expressed considerable doubt as 
to the association of etu with this stem. The added material 
placed at hand removes that objection and, far from doubting etu, 
I now regard it as an important memorial of the Proto-Samoan migra- 
tion thus preserved in a distant backwater of the most remote Poly- 
nesian peopling. This comports with my belief that the origin of 
the swarm which peopled Easter Island was in Samoa at the time of 
the hostile advance of the later Tongafiti swarm out of Indonesia. 
Four forms in this series, 3 natin, 10 netin, 12 nten, and 4 nating, suggest 
a final consonant in the archetypal stem. ‘The variety of the second 
vowel is important, and from the parallelism of the forms in i along 
with those in uit appears that the divarication must have come early 
in the life of the word. Forms in u are 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, T7yteseeee 
20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27; forms in i are 8, 9, 10, 26. Forms in e, 11 
and 12, are regarded as variants upon the i base. ‘The initial n is 
very constant: the ng mutation, a particularly common one in Oceanic 
languages, appears only in 22 ngatu, a form which parallels the Maori 
ngati variant upon the nati base. If 23 ngaunga be admitted to asso- 
ciation with this stem, and this will need further evidence to protect 
a t-ng mutation, it will provide a second instance of n—ng mutation; 
24 latu exhibits the not unfamiliar n—-1 mutation, one of peculiar 
interest as proving that n is not yet so firmly seated in consonantal 
value as to avoid recession to the more primitive liquid of its lingual 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 61 


series. ‘The former vowel of the stem remains a in a large number of 
items, passes to e in 10, 11, and by inference in 12, toiin 19, too in 16 
and 20, and touin 21. ‘The stem t is most permanent in character; 
its only variants are k in 5, h in 6, extinction in 7, and the doubtful 
ng in 23. A group of languages in the northern New Hebrides, 17-20 
exhibits a suffix of i or gi which in two instances is accompanied by 
modification of the former stem vowel. The to netin form is valuable 
for its bearing upon Rapanui etu. Just as Maori ngati is represented 
by one of the u base forms in Melanesia, so contrariwise Rapanui etu 
is represented by an i base form. 


63. néu coconut. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 108b. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 193. Ray, 
94:28, 485:28. Codrington, 41:14. Polynesian Wanderings, 390. Subanu, 138. 


POLYNESIAN. 
niu Samoa, Tonga, Fakaofo, Futuna, Niué, waii, Paumotu, Mangareva, Rapanui, 
Uvea, Viti, Rotuma, Fotuna, Nuku- Marquesas, Aniwa, Kapingamarangi 


oro, Nuguria, Moiki, Maori, Raro- | nu Mangaia. 
tonga, Manahiki, Tongarewa, Ha- 


MELANESIAN. 
I. niu Kowamerara, Tatau, Barriai, | 14. liu Alite. 
Namatote, Siar, Ragetta, | 15. ni Wogeo, Lauan, Nonapai, Laku- 
Kelana, Siassi, Rook, Lobo, refanga, Sali, Panangai, Le- 
Motu, Kabadi, Pokau, Dou- musmus, Lemakot. 
ra, Sinaugoro, Keapara,]| 16. ani Lakurumau. 


Hula, Galoma, Mugula,]| 17. ning Tami. 
Suau, Sariba, Tubetube, ] 18. nip Bukaua, Jabim. 
Panaieti, Nada, Dobu, Port |] 19. nu Nengone, Nifilole. 


Moresby, Manam, Moanus, |: 20. 4 nua Tegarot. 
Sissano, Efaté, Lifu, Sesake, | 21. ngup Longa. 


Epi, Arag, Ulawa, Wango, | 22. ne Arop. 
Fagani, Bululaha,Vaturanga, | 23. nge Bugi. 
Neggela, Bugotu. 24. nek Bagail, Majum, Avelus, Los- 


2. niu Kobe, Pak, Mouk, Graget, suk, Mongai. 
Tobadi, Ingros, Yakomul, | 25. unoi ‘Tagula. 
Eluaue, Emsau, New Han- | 26. ngoi Dabu. 


over, Sigab, Alu, Awa, Ndai. | 27. nur Munuwai, Lochagon, Nemas- 
3. nia Barriai, New Hanover. salang. 
4. aniu- Nakanai. 28. @énur Fezoa. 
5. nanitt Kilenge, Tangoa. 29. nul Lawu. 
6. néu Sissano, Arop. 30. nun Panaras-Nayama. 
7. néu Malol. 31. niura Mukawa. 
8. néod Bilibili, Limba, Langanie. 32. diura Kwagila. 
9g. neiti Tumleo. 33. neura ‘Tavara, Awalama, Taupota. 
10. niyu  Karufa. 34. rura Kubiri, Kiviri. 
11. nihu Misima. 35. nérii Vella Lavella. 
12. niwi Areimoa. 36. nuia —_ Kiriwina. 


13. nijog Jibu. 


In my earlier examinations of this vocable I was led to the view that 
niu is a compacted form of ni and u, of which the definitive u yet 
remains of undetermined signification and ni is replete with the sense 
of the coconut, whether as tree or nut product thereof. This view is 
confirmed by the greater richness of forms here collected and by the 
wider establishment of forms already familiar. Before resuming the 
dissection from compacted forms of the varieties of stem ni, we shall 


62 SISSANO. 


find advantage in discussing the variants of the modifying element u 
or other.) The most frequent added member is u. In 9-11 we find 
from widely dissociated languages a preface to this u, semivocalic in 10 
ni-yu, vocalic of the same series in 9 ne-iu, aspirated in 11 ni-hu; 
this forms a readily comprehensible series of coefficient-functioning 
modulants of secondary stem u; in 13 ni-jog we may have an equiva- 
lent of the yu of ni-yu, but in the lack of certainty of the phonetic 
system employed in the writing of Jibu in roman characters we are 
doubtful, but if j be used in its English double consonantal value we 
have an inexplicable anomaly; in 12 ni-wi we find no difficulty in 
tracing the modification of u into its proximate semivowel w before 
an additional assumption of i. This assumed 1 may be found in 25-26, 
there assumed by a variant of stem nu. 

We next consider a group of assumed final consonants with the u 
stem. In 13 ni—jo—g we find a palatal mute, in 21 ngup we are dealing 
not with u modifier but with nu stem and therefore the labial mute 
p is to be omitted from this series; in 27-30 we find a group of inter- 
related forms included within a very frequent mutation type, the 
liquids r in 27-28 and 1 in 29, and the proximate nasal n in 30. In 
31-34 and 36 we encounter a most interesting group and probably 
not so easy of resolution as appears on superficial examination. I had 
at first regarded these forms as the compacted ni-u plus an assumed 
ra. It is quite possible that in this set of forms we are dealing with a 
vocalic variant of stem nu with the addition of a modifier ra. ‘This 
is clear in 34 ru-ra, where we encounter the frequent n-r mutation. 
In 36 nuia, which is distinctly in series with 31-34, if we regard a as 
devolution from ra we shall be left with a compaction nui instead of 
niu. This can scarcely be admitted as correct metathesis. It seems 
more satisfactory to regard the compaction as nu-ia, in which is 
readily recognizable ia as mutant upon ra, as to which we note that 
the interchanges of vowel and liquid have been set forth on pages 
35 and 50. ‘This assumed ra becomes by abrasion of the final vowel 
the parent of the r-I-n forms in 27-30. In 24 ne-k we find a palatal 
mute assumed by a variant of ni stem. Vella Lavella 35 néri is not 
to be associated with the wide variation in this vocable; the intrusion 
of r is prohibitory of ascription to niu; ne might seem a ni derivative 
as in several instances in this series; ru might be derived from the nu 
stem; but to interpret the vocable as conjoint of these two elements 
would be to regard a primitive stem as modifying itself, a process 
wholly foreign to the genius of these languages. Accordingly we must 
rule neru outof the identifications. “The stem nis remarkably constant; 
we find its mutation to liquids in 14 liu and 34 rura, and to labial 
mute d in 32 diura. In the Polynesian system we note in Mangaia 
the preservation of nu which in our Melanesian material we find of 
considerable frequency. It is found in 19-21, 27-34, 36. A group 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 63 


in which we find the stem ne, an easy variant of ni, is 6-9, 22-24. 
The two forms unoi and 26 ngoi are clearly associable, a primitive 
stem as no by devolution from nu having assumed a final i as 
in 12; the stem no has varied in 26 to ngo, but in 25 remaining 
unaltered it has attached itself to u of undetermined sense. Out of 
this complex of three dozen widely varying items we feel justified in 
extracting two varieties of primitive stem, ni which varies to ne, and 
nu which varies tono. In 15-16 we find clear proof that ni is sufficient 
to carry the sense without additions, in 22-23 that ne can do the same, 
and in 19-20 that nu is equally strong. 


69. ol pot. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 70: 151,139: 151. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 
214c. Ray, 405: 101, 496: 101. 


POLYNESIAN. 
kuro Viti. ‘ulo Samoa. 
kulo Tonga, Nuguria. tlo 8 = Niué. 
MELANESIAN. 
1. kuro Tangoa. 10. ol Sissano. 
2. nakalo Kilenge. 11. k6re Shortland Islands. 
3. gulo Sinaugoro, Hula, Keapara. 12. ure Dobu. 
4. kul Tami. 13. gureva  Suau. 
5. ku Pak, Jabim. 14. gurewa_ Sariba, Misima. 
6. uro Motu, Maiva, Roro, Kabadi, | 15. kar6ng  Bongu. 
Gosisi. 16. olun Misima. 
7. ulo Kelana, Galoma, Barriai. 17. urun Panaieti. 
8. nipji-uru Aneityum. 18. kudsi Kai. 
9. ur Rook. 19. buro Efaté. 


The history of this stem is largely conditioned by technical factors. 
The pot presupposes workable clay and the discovery of the fictile 
art in at least its more primitive details of molding and firing. In 
the comparatively recent vulcanism of the islands of Polynesia potter’s 
clay is but scantily found and the art of the potter is non-existent. In 
many parts of Melanesia the art and the material exist, the nearest 
approximation to the distinctly Polynesian area being in Fiji, where 
pottery has attained no inconsiderable development. It will be seen 
in this series of identifications that the name designating earthenware 
articles occurs only in Nuclear Polynesia and may very properly be 
assigned to the more ancient Proto-Samoan migration. 

Since the word is absent from the Tongafiti migration languages 
we shall consider two explanations. It may have been an ancient 
vocable in the Polynesian before its dispersal in Indonesia and the 
divarication of the two migration movements, and in the course of 
distant wanderings over tracks that did not unite until long afterward 
in central Polynesia the word was lost to memory through the loss of 
the objects thereby denoted. Or the word may have been picked up 
by migrant Polynesians as a loan word from Melanesians who were 
in possession of the art. I incline somewhat toward the latter theory, 


64 SISSANO. 


but we may defer its consideration until we recur to the stem in the 
discussion of Indonesian relations. 

Before leaving the Polynesian identifications we must consider a 
note made by Pratt in the Samoan dictionary. In the first edition 
of that work (1862) the learned author sets against ‘ulo the comment 
“introduced.’’ ‘The second edition (1876) is lacking to my library; 
but in the third (1892) the note had been amplified to the specific 
statement ‘‘a Tongan word.’’ I called to the attention of the Rev. 
J. E. Newell the fact that, if introduced at all, the word was quite as 
much loan material in Tonga as in Samoa and that its nearest source 
was to be found in Viti kuro. Agreeing with me in general, he was so 
conservative in his editing of the fourth edition (1911) of Pratt that 
he did not alter the note. In Tonga there is no manufacture of pottery 
nor working of clay; the pots were an object of oversea trade with 
Fiji and the name came with the pots, the only change being the shift 
from r to 1 in conformity with a phonetic principle operative in Tonga 
and Samoa. 

Tregear and Percy Smith make an equivalent note upon ilo in 
Niué. The word and the object may have been carried from Tonga 
to Samoa and to Niué, for the latter had no commerce with Fiji and 
the Samoan intercourse with Fijians in the early legend period I hope 
in time to prove had naught to do with the archipelago which at 
present bears the designation of Fiji or Viti. Notwithstanding this 
lack of intercourse, the ascription of the word to Tonga is less satis- 
factory than its reference to Viti as the point of original distribution. 
In the Melanesian series we have some very satisfactory identifications 
in devolution order. For technical reasons there is a lack of instances 
of the stem in Melanesia proper; in fact all that I have recovered are 
1,70; 10,010. 

In this connection we should observe also that Codrington, our 
best source of Melanesian vocables in comparison, has not noted this 
word in his tables; therefore it is not impossible that as more vocabu- 
laries of Melanesia become available we shall be able to fill up these 
lacune. ‘Tangoan kuro is absolutely established as of this stem, for 
it is exactly the Viti form. So much of Aneityum nipji-uru as may 
be related to this stem involves the change of the latter stem vowel 
from o tou. ‘This may be regarded as supported by the confirmation 
of 16-17. ‘The establishment of 11 kére requires the confirmation of 
the variation of the latter vowel from o to e and the variation of the 
former stem vowel from u too. Neither of these is at all unusual in 
the mutation system developed in these Melanesian studies. The 
u-o mutation is abundantly upheld by 10 ol and 16 olun; the o—e muta- 
tion finds support in 12-14. ‘The citation 19 buro which Friederici 
draws from Efaté I have been unable to verify, for it does not appear 
in Macdonald’s dictionary of some speech of that island. If accu- 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 65 


rately recorded it would involve mutation by progression of mutes, 
a principle which is quite unestablished in these languages. We there- 
fore leave it out of the account. 

We find, accordingly, in Melanesia proper, the stem surely estab- 
lished at three determining points—the extreme south of the New 
Hebrides, the central region of that group, and the center of the Solo- 
mon Islands—two points upon my Viti stream, one upon the Samoa 
stream. ‘The other affiliations are derived from New Guinea in the 
three divisions which I have proposed for reference and from that 
part of the western Bismarck Archipelago immediately adjacent 
thereto. Friederici points out in the Bismarck Archipelago at large 
the existence of a diverse stem and quite cogently establishes its inde- 
pendent character, although in one form pot it suggests acquisition 
through Beach-la-Mar from an English source. In the items 2-7 
and 9 we have a smooth series of identifications. The Sissano ro ol, 
on which this inquiry rests, entails no difficulty. In 12-14, after 
omitting the accidental additions which are in harmony through 
three languages, we have no difficulty in seeing a series of affiliates. 
The only thing which might militate against this identification is 
that Misima has not only 14 gurewa but also 16 olun, diverse deriva- 
tives from the same stem; but this is matter of no grave importance. 
The Bongu 15 karéng is somewhat violent in affiliation, but the fact 
that it falls into series with 16-17 in the assumption of a final nasal 
admits it to consideration. The Kai 18 kudsi has no more resem- 
blance than the ku, the mutation Ids is not supported elsewhere in 
these languages, and in this series we find no evidence of o—-i mutation, 
except as it may progress from o-e, which occurs in 11-14. 


73. pipip butterfly. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 67: 131, 130: 131. Deutsch-Neugu nea, 
202b. Ray, 394: 23,485:23. Codrington 41:12 Polynesian Wanderings, 251. 


POLYNESIAN. 


pepe Samoa, Futuna, Uvea, Niué, Nuku- | bebe Tonga. 
oro, Fotuna, Nuguria, Tahiti, Mar- | mbémbé Viti. 


quesas, Maori. pep Rotuma, 
MELANESIAN. 

1. pépe Hula, Keapara, Galo- 9. ndrapipi Moanus. 

ma, Lauan, Mota, | 1o. pip Lo. 

Saa, Bululaha, Fa- | 11. pipip Sissano. 

gani, Ulawa, Nguna, | 12. papiwa Kunini, Jibu. 

Tangoa, Arag, Ma- | 13. papapi Dabu. 

rina. 14. papelug Bugi. 
2. lepepe Epi. 15. paubuuk Tanna. 
3. pepele New Georgia. 16. bebe Baravon, New Britain, 
4. pepeqa Dobu. Domara, Mailu, 
5. pépéa Vrinagol. Rubi, Suau, Sariba, 
6. pep Lakon, Pak, Sasar, Alo Massim, Wango, 

Tegel. Vaturanga, Efaté, 
7. peb Norbarbar. Arag, Buka, Omba, 
8. pipi Namau, Elema, Ua- Maewo. 


ripi, Toaripi, Lepu. 17. bébé Petat, Alu. 


66 SISSANO. 

18. bébé Hamatana. 39. uleulebe Negela. 

19. kau—bebe Motu, Sinaugoro. 40. mbé New Hanover. 

20. bembe | Baki 41. bawe Buka. 

21. mbembe Omba, Maewo. 42. koribaba Musa. 

22. ka mbémbé —*Vitu. 43. ababang Chamorro. 

23. baba Laur. 44. babbub Marshalls. 

24. bebebi Panaieti, Misima. 45. bibi Hanahan. 

25. beberoho Manukolo. 46. karabimbim Kwagila. 

26. beberu Mulaha. 47. bébo Wogeo. 

27. bebeu Taupota, Wedau. 48. b6bd Barriai, 

28. beberuka Koita. 49. nal bobs Kilenge 

29. bebeula Savo. 50. bobébe Manam 

30. arabembemta Mukawa, Raqa. 51. bobddi Pak. 

31. beambéa Kowamerara. 52. bobdkor6 Tuom, Siassi. 

32. beb Merlav, Gog, Motlav, | 53. boiboi Tumu. 
Volow. 54. kili-bob Bilibili, Graget. 

33. kamba Lambell. 55. fefe Mekeo. 

34. bam Lamassa. 56. fefek Kiviri, Oiun. 

35. beba Nada, Kiriwina. 57. fifi Milareipi. 

36. bebabeba Boniki. 58. vebe Malo. 

37. bebi Mugula, Tubetube, | 59. popéa Vrinagol. 
Tagula, Murua, | 60. peropero Roro. 
Brierly Island. 61. kapeu Awalama. 

38. ebebelo Pokau. 62. gopu Tavara. 


We deal here with a series which involves the characteristic mutation 
system of the labials in Melanesian speech. In my examination of the 
labials of these primitive languages I have seldom encountered a stem 
whose simplicity of structure and whose extension over so wide a 
distribution of remote languages has afforded so excellent a base on 
which to study out the labial movements. We have a vowel short 
in quantity preceded by a labial. While employing for convenience 
the term mutation, I can not regard as active here any principle at 
all comparable with Grimm’s law of the progression of the mutes in 
the Indo-European languages. For purposes of fixing the meaning 
of this stem there has arisen and has come into common consent the 
employment of a labial, some labial, whichever can best be compassed 
in the stage of control of the lips in speech which has been attained 
by the several groups of speakers in any given community. I have 
sought vainly to discover some principle underlying the choice of the 
particular labial brought into use; this on the assumption that the 
choice is governed after some such orderly manner as is the progression 
of the mutes in languages of the higher type. All becomes clear and 
reasonable, however, if we regard the several labials as functions of 
the motive to employ the lips in speech to specify in the consonantal 
modulant preface that coefficient value which shall tend to set aside 
the basic vowel in this combination as revealing a sense more or less 
specific and furnishing a step toward the establishment of a noun vo- 
cable through a descriptive attributive. In this instance we encounter 
the complete range of the labials, as in the following list: 


P 1-15, 59, 61, 62. TESS ave 
7, 15-20, 23-32, 34-39, 41-54, 58. ¥/153; 
mb 20-22, 30, 31, 33, 40, 46. W 4I. 


Here we find the strongest insistence upon the mutes, and particu- 
larly upon the sonant b, this being particularly marked in the lan- 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 67 


guages in which the sonant mute is so imperfectly acquired as to call 
for the help of the preface of the nasal of its own series, mb, in order 
to secure its pronunciation at all. In a smaller group we find the 
spirants, surd f in a compact language group in Papua, surd v once 
occurring in a region far remote. Even the semivowel proximate to 
the labial tract, w, is once met with in the variety of this vocable; 
other stems in which it is employed with some greater frequency tend 
to corroborate this instance. The stem is almost uniformly dupli- 
cated or in a condition reduced from duplication by abrasion of the 
final vowel. ‘The nude stem appears but. once in 40 mbe; in com- 
paction with other stems we may trace it in 33 kamb4, 39 uleulebe, 61 
kapeu, and 62 gopu. The vowels exhibit considerable variety, as shown 
in this list of the characteristic vowel of the monosyllabic forms and 
the combination of the two vowels in the completely duplicated forms: 


= gana?) 34,40. a-—a 42, 43. 
S-e i-5, 16-22, 23, 24-30, 38, 55-56, 58. | a-e 14, 4I. 
e€-a 35, 36. a-i 12, 13. 
e-i 37. O-O 47-52. 
i 10 o-€ 59. 


i-i 8, 9, 11, 45, 46, 57. 


In 23, 33, and 34 the vowel is recorded by a German authority as 4. 
Inasmuch as this recorder has not been generally confirmed by the 
succeeding explorations of Friederici in the same field, I attach no 
great weight to this umlaut, and for practical purposes have included 
these forms in the e classes. In the ‘Polynesian Wanderings,”’ 
loc. cit., I have extracted from languages about the Gulf of Papua a 
comparative series of forms which at several points bear close resem- 
blances to the pepe series, this series carrying the signification of the 
wing. The association in sense is so noteworthy that it would not be 
improper to suspect a community of source in some archetype stem 
of such scope of meaning as to admit both the vocables. 

In his argute elucidation of 49 nal bobd Friederici traces out a most 
interesting series of compactions of the bird-butterfly sense. Unfor- 
tunately we lack data upon which to resolve the other compactions 
of this series, yet the recurrence of certain types can not be without 
significance. In these lists the position of the hyphen denotes the 
place in the compacted form occupied by the extraneous element, 
whether initial or final. We segregate a group in which some commu- 
nity may be imagined: 39 ule-, 2 le-, 29 —ula, 3 —le, 38 —lo, 14 —lug. 
Another group is found as initial—the series seems well established: 
46 kara—, 9 ndra—, 30 ara-, 42 kori-, 54 kili-; once only is this found 
as final, 52 —koro. A final series appears in 28 —ruka, 25 —roho, 
26 -ru, 27 and 61 -u. Another is 12 —wa, 4 —pwa, 5, 31, and 59 —a. 
Yet another is 50 —be, 24 —bi, 13 —pi, 11 —p. ‘Three forms are repre- 
sented singly—i19 kau-, 15 —k, 51 —di. 

In closing, a few notes should be made upon certain of these forms. 
Tanna has particularly deformed its borrowings from migrant races; 


68 SISSANO. 


rarely can we be positive about any identification; but 15 paubuuk is 
worthy of inclusion on the score of the persistence of the labials, despite 
the vowel deformation and the addition of an extraneous element in —k 
or -uk. In 31 beambéa and in 53 boiboi the presence of the typical 
labials is somewhat offset by the intrusion of added vowels; this is 
sufficient to cast grave doubt upon the affiliation. Likewise 60 peropero 
is very doubtful. I give it place in the record simply because it 
occurs within a region in which pepe affiliates are abundant. 


76. pul pig. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 68:136. Hanke, Grammatik und 
Vokabularium der Bongu-Sprache,117. Ray,405: 100,496: 100. Codrington, 
48:47. Polynesian Wanderings, 428, 


POLYNESIAN. 


buaka Tonga. poaka Maori. 
puaka Futuna, Niué, Uvea, Nukuoro, | pua‘a Samoa. 
Rarotonga, Mangareva, Rapanui | puaa ‘Tahiti, Marquesas, Hawaii. 


Rotuma. vuaka Viti. 
MELANESIAN. 
1. puaka Nengone, Lifu. 36. bolé Dallmannhafen. 
2. boako Rubiana. 37. béli Lawu. 
3. pakasi Aniwa, Fotuna. 38. poro Tavara, Awalama, Tau- 
4. bokasi Sesake. pota, Wedau, Galavi, 
5. bukahi Bierian. Boniki, Mukawa. 
6. bwokas Efaté. 39. porod Reboine. 
7. bwakas Efaté. 40. pord Entsau. 
8. mpokas Eromanga. 41. aiporo Roro. 
9g. pigath Aneityum. 42. polo ~ Savo. 
10. puka‘ Tanna. 43. poré Ingros. 
11. puka Adaua. 44. poré Tobadi. 
12. uango Efaté. 45. polé Dallmannhafen. 
13. wango Sesake. 46. foro Kubiri, Raga, Kiviri, 
14. VOk6 Bagail, Majum, Avelus, Oiun. 
Lossuk, Mongai. 47. bor Saran, Manam. 
15. vonggo Bauung, Ngamat. 48. bor Keule. 
16. bénggo Tsoi. 49. bor Ragetta, Siassa, Bilibili, 
17. uak Efaté. Simberi. 
18. boro Adaua, Musa, Duke of 50. mbor Laur. 
York. 51. mbor Nokon, Suralil. 
19. bord Wogeo. 52. bol Sissano, Buramana, Ko- 
20. boro Molot. liku, Male, Sunggun, 
21. mboro Vitu. Limba, Daman, Lan- 
22. mborod Kowamerara, Sigab, Ta- ganie, Kaliko. 
tau, Maréi, Wogeo. 53. mbol Tami. 
23. mbord Kait, Kalangor. 54. bur Dagor, Vatai. 
24. bolo Neggela. 55. bul Put, Kumenim, Bongu. 
25. balauta  Kilenge (bolo—uta). 56. bal Bongu. 
26. bold Muschu. 57. bel Bogadjim. 
27. mbolo Nakanai. 58. por Seleo. 
28. boroi Kabakaul. 59. pul Tumleo. 
29. mboroi Matupi, Kambangeriu, 60. pul Sissano. 
Kondo, Yalui, Lamassa. 61. boalo Aola. 
30. boré Palabong. 62. mboal Lihir. 
31. bore Pala. 63. poalo Tubetube. 
32. boré Namarodu, Lalinau, Bi- 64. biter Dagur, Vatai. 
sapu, Punam. 65. btel Dagur, Vatai. 
33. bore Kelana. 66. biél Vrinagol, Tsinapdali, Akur. 
34. bori Munuwai, Lochagon, Ne- 67. pier Paup, Yakomul. 
massalang, Fezoa. 68. padl Sér, Arop, Maldl. 
35. bare Seké. 69. puél Maldél. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 


69 


70. vuél Vrinagol, Tsinapali, Akur. | 106. kbwo Pak, Sasar. 

71. boroma  Kabadi, Motu. 107. ba Leitere. 

72. boromo Mawata, Kiwai. 108. be Ruavatu, Aola, Bukaua. 

73. borom Miriam. 109. bu Pak. 

74. burum Mabuiag. IIO. po Ulawa, Bululaha, Paluan, 

75. buluma__ Uni. Mouk. 

76. boloma Pokau. III. pwo Saa. 

77. blome Kunini. 112. kpwo Lakon, Vuras, Mosin, Lo. 

78. foloma Uni. 113. kmpwo Alo Tegel. 

79. woroma  Jibu. 114. pu Binandele, Amara, Mé6- 

80. bonomo _ Binandele. robe. 

81. bordg6 Tapa. 115. bobo Tubetube, Tagula, Brier- 

82. buruka Sariba, Murua. ly Island. 

83. buruku Nada. 116. bobu Panaieti, Misima. 

84. b6ndgd Burruwe. 117. bawa Mugula. 

85. bunuka —_ Kiriwina. 118. baa Rubi. 

86. poraa Mailu. 119. kmbwoe Omba, Maewo. 

87. boraa Domara. 120. poe Nifilole, Marina. 

88. bosu Nggao. 121. kpwoe Arag, Mota. 

89. bos Siar. 122. kmpwoe Merlav. 

90. bods Graget. 123. boi Bok. 

91. botho Bugotu. 124. boi Liuaniua, Lakurumau. 

92. pom Hanahan. 125. mboi Langtub. 

93. pum Lehona. 126. bue Baki, Ambrym. 

94. pam Buka. 127. pui Epi. 

95. apum Buka. 128. woe Gaima. 

96. boama Yela. 129. wue Girara. 

97. paom Hamatana. 130. bawe Dobu. 

98. paum Buka. 131. bai Sinaugoro. 

99. bo Wango, Alite, Vaturanga, | 132. pae Hula, Keapara, Galoma. 
Belik. 133. boa Shortland Islands. 

100. bd Anir. 134. boo Fagani. 

101. bd Tanga, Jabim. 135. bou Ninigo. 

102. mbo Maragum, Rumba. 136. mbuo Tumuip. 

103. mbwo Yela. 137. pou Moanus. 

104. kmbwo Motlav, Gog, Norbarbar. | 138. pou Mouk. 

105. nggmbwo Volow. 139. pad Lou. 


In proportion as competent observers supply us with data con- 
cerning the cultural life of Melanesia we shall find the pig one of the 
most valuable agencies in tracing out the movement of folk migra- 
tion athwart the islands of the Pacific. At present our best informa- 
tion upon the part which the pig plays in the life of Melanesia, its 
status as a bride-piece, its intimate association with the initiation 
into the secret fraternities, its entanglement with the magic of daily 
life, is recorded in the interesting volumes of Rivers on the history of 
Melanesian society lately put to press. Of the pig in general he writes: 


There is much reason to believe that the pigs found in Polynesia by the 
earlier European navigators were widely different from the domestic pig of 
Europe, even if they were not members of a different species such as is still 
found in New Guinea. The Melanesian pig still differs widely in appearance 
from our own. If the considerations which have led me to ascribe other 
elements of culture to the kava people have any weight, the pig should have 
been introduced into Oceania by this people. (W. H.R. Rivers: The His- 
tory of Melanesian Society, II 460.) 


The suggestion of this introduction to the islands was made much 
before Rivers turned his attention to the problems of Oceania. Since 
the work in which this priority exists (Thomas Powell’s natural history 


70 SISSANO. 


in Samoan) is now rare and written in a language unfamiliar to the 
Cambridge scholar, it is certain that he had no acquaintance with the 
work of his predecessor. I translate from the Samoan the following 
statement. It is clear that Powell, a trained naturalist as well as 
missionary, had not himself seen the Samoan pig, but he had the 
opportunity to obtain the description from the older Samoans, who 
could point out the differences between the introduced hog and that 
with which they were familiar before the coming of Sus scrofa. 

There was formerly in Samoa another hog whose name was the alou. It 
is likely that this hog was brought from some land in Asia by the Samoan 
chiefs who first touched at these islands. ‘This animal resembled the China 
hog. Its body was rounded, dark colored, and pretty. Its head was rather 
short, its legs short, its ears somewhat small; it was very tame. It is a long 
time since this hog has been seen in Samoa. Probably it was made extinct 
in the feasts celebrating the establishment of the kingdom of Jesus to which 
the Samoans flocked in great numbers. (Thomas Powell: ‘O le Tala i Tino 
o Tagata ma Mea Ola ‘Ese‘ese, 230.) 


We shall recur to this suggestion of introduction made by Powell 
and by Rivers after the examination of the linguistic material for the 
discovery of such evidence as it may bring to bear upon the theme. 

In a former work (The Polynesian Wanderings, 428) I discussed the 
linguistics of this group of words upon material considerably less com- 
plete than is now available. ‘Therefore the present note is intended to 
replace the earlier comment, for the material is now examined de novo. 
From that former note I wish to repeat the statement that the sug- 
gested derivation of Polynesian puaka through loan from English 
pork is wholly untenable; it would be quite as reasonable to suggest 
that 133 boa of the Shortland Islands is a loan from English boar. 

In ordering these words in the foregoing tabular arrangement I have 
discovered certain classes, and these classes I have set in succession 
by reason of the appearance of development, upward or downward 
as the case may be; but for the present I must reserve the important 
point of evolution suggested by this arrangement. ‘These classes in 
Melanesia and the items involved are the following: 





A. Polynesian (puaka) type 1- 2 | H. labial-liquid-palatal 81-85 
B. labial-palatal-sibilant 3- 9 | I. labial-liquid 86-87 
C. labial-palatal 10-17 | J. labial-sibilant 88-91 
D. labial-liquid dissyllable 18-46 | K. labial—m 92-98 
E. labial-liquid monosyllable 47-60 | L. labial 99-114 
F. labial-(2 vowels)-liquid 61-70 | M. labial duplicated 115-118 
G. labial-liquid—m 71-80 | N. labial (2 vowels) 119-139 


These variants group themselves around the forms puaka, pakasi, 
boro, and bo, and we shall first examine the forms which appear asso- 
ciable with each of these four standards. 

puaka type——This is standard throughout Polynesia, it occurs in 
Rapanui, where the pig was unknown, or, more accurately stated, had 
not been included in the migration which peopled Easter Island. In 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 71 


this island the word had been retained and was employed as a general 
designation of the larger animals, and when the hog was reintroduced 
by European voyagers it took the new name horu. In Samoa also 
puaka is generic of any of the larger animals, while retaining its specific 
application to the hog. It may have value in connection with the 
social history of swine in the Pacific to note that in Samoan puaka is 
not permissible in the presence of chiefs. In the courtesy speech 
its place is taken by alou or more generally by manuvaefa, the four- 
legged animal or quadruped. I have been unable to verify Powell’s 
statement that there were two pigs, one named puaka, the other alou, 
for my most learned informants declare that the latter is no more than 
the name of the same animal in courtesy speech. In Melanesia puaka 
is found in two widely separated localities. In its unmodified form 
we note its occurrence in Lifu and Nengone. In my earlier note I 
suggested its introduction by Samoan missionaries. ‘This does not 
now seem to me a valid suggestion; it would apply only to Lifu and 
not at all to Nengone; it is unlikely that from Samoan pua‘a the New 
Caledonians and Loyalty Islanders could restore with such precision 
the missing palatal mute. The boako of Rubiana is quite removed 
from the possibility of such missionary contamination. Accordingly 
we prefer to regard these instances as survival of the passage of the 
Polynesian migrations, the kava people of the ingenious and import- 
ant social classification established by Rivers, one (Rubiana) along the 
Samoa stream, the other a derelict on the Viti stream. 

pakasi type, ztems 4-17.—I had formerly noted that 6 bwokas and 
7 bwakas, both of Efaté, marked the transition phase from puaka to 
pakasi. ‘This should be withdrawn, for the bw is clearly no more than 
a manifestation of the frequent uncertainty of the Melanesian use of 
the labials, of which we have many examples. We are still more 
debarred from the explanation that the pu of puaka is due to Poly- 
nesian inability to pronounce the labial, for in all those languages 
the labials are very precisely enunciated. Inasmuch as puaka is noun 
substantive and therefore not subject to the addition of formative 
suffix, we have no means of determining if ever it had a final s, but 
since we have three forms (3-5) which could be used in the open 
type of Polynesian speech, we must feel sure that, so far as concerns 
the final syllable, pakasi could not become puaka. Rejecting the 
suggestion as to w in 7 bwakas, for it is not at all vocalic but only an 
excrescence on the consonant b, we are equally certain in the rejection 
of association of the two forms so far as relates to the earlier portion 
of the words. ‘This is clear when we examine the syllabification of 
the words, pu-a-ka and pa-ka-si. Before the k we have in Polynesia 
two syllables; we have no knowledge of a single case in Oceanic speech 
in which a consonantal syllable such as pu has lost its essential vowel 
and has united over the gap to form a new syllable such as pa of 


72 SISSANO. 


wholly different value. We now see no possibility of any interasso- 
ciation between puaka and pakasi. 

Regarded as an independent vocable pakasi presents here an inter- 
esting linguistic history. Items 3, 4, 5 show the word at its best 
and fullest, the variety of the first vowel and the mutation from s to h 
in 5 are all among the commonplaces of the philology of the Western 
Pacific. ‘The same is true of the abrasion of the final vowel in items 
6-9, a very common procedure in such of the languages of Melanesia 
as prefer the closed type. We have already commented on the initial 
modified consonant in the Efaté forms, the lack of labial precision 
whereby before the pronunciation of the mute is completed the organs 
slip back into the more easy semivowel position and a slur is produced. 
We have the opposite treatment of the labial mute in 8 mpokas of 
Eromanga. Before the mute can be pronounced the organs have 
first to assume the more familiar and habitual nasal position and the 
sounding of the lip consonant carries the trace of that prefatory posi- 
tion, a process of frequent occurrence and one which I have desig- 
nated as mutes with the preface of the nasal of the same series. 

In item 9 pigath of Aneityum the modification of the final sibilant 
will be recognized as the defective speech familiar to us as the lisp, 
the result of a neglect to assume the precise position of the tongue 
necessary for the issuance of the sibilant. A similar diversion of the 
tongue, though in a different direction, gives the common s—h mutation 
which we have noted in 5 bukahi. The Tanna form 10 puka‘ appears 
as a secondary derivative from one of the closed forms with a slight 
geographical argument in favor of Eromanga as the source; but we 
have such scant information on the vocabulary of Tanna that we 
can not pass definitely upon this form; it may be that a whole final 
syllable has been abraded. The Adaua 11 puka comes from the other 
end of Melanesia and may not be associable herewith. 

Items 12, 13, and 17 fall together for consideration. It is easy 
to derive 12 and 13 from pakasi by abrasion of the final syllable and 
by mutation of the difficult initial mute to semivowel and vowel 
respectively of the same buccal area, and from uango to 17 uak is but 
a second step in abrasion to a closed syllable. It will be observed, 
however, that in Sesake 13 wango exists side by side with 4 bokasi, and 
in Efaté 12 uango with 6 bwokas. It is not impossible for a primitive 
and a derivative therefrom to exist simultaneously in any speech; 
in fact, we have in Efaté a secondary derivative 17 uak. This objec- 
tion, therefore, need not be held vital. 

Geographically at a great distance, on that account all the more 
interesting, we examine the forms 14-16. ‘There is no linguistic 
reason why they should not be taken as coordinate with 12-13 in 
their relation to the pakasi stem; indeed, their possession of the final o 
links them closely with the Efaté and Sesake forms. ‘These are from 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. TS 


the New Guinea and Bismarck Archipelago region and so far support 
Captain Friederici’s argument in favor of a migration exit through 
Vitiaz Straits, which would bring the canoe fleets so far to leeward 
as to fall into my Viti stream, for which I have suggested the exit 
from Indonesia through Torres Straits. This comports well with the 
fact that all these Melanesian identifications lie within the region 
reached by that migration stream, to which we should add 11 Adaua 
from Dyke Acland Bay in New Guinea. ‘This can have no bearing 
on my Torres Straits exit, for the two streams must inevitably mingle 
at the Louisiades and thenceonward flow in common. 

boro type, items 18-87.—The life-history of this stem is so pecu- 
liarly complicated that we shall find it advisable to examine its variety 
in accordance with the table on page 70, in which it occupies classes 
Peters G, H, and I. 

Class D, 1tems 18-46.—Here we find the initial consonant as b in 
18-20, 24-26, 28, 30-37, and with preface of the nasal of the same 
series mb in 21-23, 27, and 29; as p in 38-45; as f in the single instance 
of 46 foro from four languages closely set together in Collingwood Bay 
in New Guinea, where the natural drainage is through the Dampier- 
Vitiaz Straits. The second consonant, the liquid, is r in most cases; 
the simple mutant 1 is found in 24-27, 36-37, 42 and 45. ‘The close 
resemblance between 46 foro and 14 voko suggests examination; to 
link the two would require the establishment of the k-r or r-k mutation. 
In the extended mutation studies in the ‘Polynesian Wanderings”’ 
the former does not appear at all, the latter in but a single instance 
(op. cit. 366). We regard foro—voko as no more than a resemblance. 
The former vowel o holds in a majority of the forms. A mutation 
to a appears in 25 and 35, this o-a interplay being not infrequent in 
these languages. 

Friederici has very shrewdly interpreted the evidently compacted 
25 balauta as bolo-uta, the hog of the bush. The only possible 
objection is that uta of the landward regions is distinctively a Poly- 
nesian word which I have not elsewhere had the opportunity of dis- 
covering in Melanesia, with the sole exception of Nguna euta landward 
apud ‘Tregear. In Indonesia it is found in Malay utan and Visayan 
yuta. In the paucity of our vocabulary material this failure to find 
uta is inconsiderable. ‘This uta appears in Mota, and Codrington 
and Palmer make the note that it is used very commonly in Melanesia, 
all of which confirms Friederici’s ingenious reading of the compacted 
form. Another compaction, 41 aiporo, he interprets as a determinan 
compound of ai from the intrusive gai word for pig with the common 
poro, a possibility in these languages. In 37 béli we have a double 
vowel change, but 36 bdlé may serve as an intermediate step in the 
passage. The latter vowel 0 remains through a majority of these 
forms. The mutation o—a is found only in 25 balauta. The frequent 


74 SISSANO. 


o—-e mutation is found in 30-33, 35-36, 43-45. In the same direction 
and but a slight step in progress the o-i mutation is found in 34 and 39. 
In 28 and 29 we find the addition of another vowel syllable i. This is 
distinctly not a phonetic variation; the final syllable i is added to the 
poro stem for some reason inherent in the sense. We have no means 
of determining the shade of meaning thereby established, yet it is not 
without significance that we find the bo stem distinguished in items 
119-132 by this i (e). 

In connection with boro we should examine class G, in which the 
stem is differenced by the addition of a nasal syllable, ma in 71, 75-76, 
78-79; me in 77; mo in 72, 80; and simple m in 73, 74. In these 
varieties the stem o-o is largely preserved; the change to u-u in 75 
buluma is checked up by 76 boloma of Pokau, a language intimately 
associated with Uni. In 77 blome we have the rare excision of an in- 
terior vowel, as b(o)lome, but it is indisputable that this excision 
is what has taken place; compare Barriai 8 tna in the collation of 99 
tenan. In 78 foloma we are in line with 46 foro of the simple stem, 
and in 79 woroma we find a yet further mutation along the labial series 
to the simple ease of enunciation of the semivowel. In 80 bonomo we 
find the facile r-n mutation and for a principal form refer to 72 boroma. 
The u-u of 74 burum hangs upon the other abraded form 73 borom as 
buluma hangs upon boloma. 

Here also we include for consideration class\H. ‘This differs from 
class G in that the added element is palatal—sonant mute g in go in 
81 and 84, surd mute k in ka in 82 and 85 and in kuin 83. In 81 and 
84 we have the o-o stem associated with o in the added element; 
in 83 the u—u stem associated with u in the added element; but 82 
and 85, in which stem u-—u is associated with a in the added element, 
disprove the natural suggestion of vowel coloration through influence 
of the stem. 

I have adjusted 86-87 at this point because they suggest the addition 
of a palatal ka followed by obliteration of the mute. In certain of 
the Polynesian languages this would challenge no contradiction. 
Whether it holds of these New Guinea languages which Ray classes 
as Papuan is doubtful, inasmuch as we find the k in the phonetic 
equipment of the languages. It is probably simpler to regard this 
as the assumption of a, but that is without confirmation elsewhere 
in this discussion. 

We now recur to class E, items 47-60; merely the boro stem after 
it has undergone abrasion and become the closed bor. ‘The initial 
b is found in 47-57, with nasal preface in 50, 51, and 53; p in 58-60. 
Of the succeeding liquid we have r in 47-51, 54 and 58; 1 in 52, 53, 
55-57, 59-60. The stem o is found in 47-53, 58; it changes to u in 
54-56 and 59-60; to e in 57. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 75 


At this point I interject class F for consideration. It has the con- 
sonant structure of boro—bor, but between the consonants appear two 
vowels producing an extra syllable. The suggestion occurs that bo 
of 61-63 might be a variant expression of the slurred b more commonly 
written bw; this is negatived by the presence of the accent in 64-70. 
It is clear that the forms included in this class are in interdependence, 
but to attempt to associate them with bor involves a phonetic prin- 
ciple for which we have not as yet confirmation. Yet it seems quite 
likely, and, subject to correction, I assign this group provisionally 
to the bor type. 

Class J, items 88-91, form a group in which 88 bosu and the lisping 
gi botho show such relation to boro as 89-90 bos to bor. ‘This involves 
the r-s mutation, and my studies in these languages have not dis- 
closed this movement. In view of the fact that we can support the 
mutation It by several instances, and that l-s is mutation in the same 
direction but to a point nearer in the same series, we may give con- 
siderable weight to the Ith mutation occurring in lango—thango from 
Bugotu (The Polynesian Wanderings, 361). 

Class K, 1tems 92-98, is principally found in the northern Solomons, 
but with an interesting instance 96 from Papuan New Guinea, which 
is of peculiar significance because Rossel Island, where the language 
is spoken, is far advanced on the course toward the northern Solomons 
which would be followed by a canoe coasting the south shore of New 
Britain. The seven forms are clearly interdependent; they hint 
somewhat strongly at an association with bor. ‘The forms of class 
G 71-80 seem to come within the same system. We have no warrant 
for the r-m mutation, and in the absence thereof this class remains a 
puzzle. 

Class L, ttems 99-114, falls readily under the type form bo, and 
that is clearly a regular devolution form in the series boro—bor—-bo. 
The initial consonant b is found in 99-109, p in 110-114; in each case 
we have examples of the Melanesian inability to enunciate labials 
distinctly in 102-106 and 111-113. ‘The stem o is found in 99-106 
and 110-113. ‘The vowel changes to u in 109 and 114, to a in 107, 
to e in 108; the stem is here so far reduced that we may not venture 
to affirm that the two latter are really bo variants except in so far as 
these mutations are not unknown, and the persistence of the b points 
in that direction. 

Class M, items 115-118.—The form 115 bobo suggests duplication 
of the bo stem. To pass by mutation to bobu involves a change of 
stem vowel which is quite rare in the mechanics of duplication, yet 
not impossible. The same note, applied to the consonant, holds in 
bawa as a duplicant of 107 ba; but having once admitted this form, baa 
naturally follows. The latter pair seem associable with 130 bawe and 
134 boo. 


76 SISSANO. 


Class N, items 119-139, embraces many variant forms which have 
in common only the fact that they involve an initial labial followed 
by two vowels. Items 119-122 form a compact group in which we 
seem to discover the stem bo increased by e and it may be possible 
to include therewith 128 woe. In 123-125 we find bo increased by i. 
These two increments are found applied to a modified stem bu in the 
case of ein 126 and 129, iin 127. In 130-132 we find a group of the 
same increments applied to a ba base. Items 135, 137-138 fall 
together into one group, 136 and 139 into another, which have a resem- 
blance to bo, although proof of association eludes our search. 

The multiplicity of uncouth names in the linguistic tabulation 
is the record of a geography all unknown save to a few specialists. 
It is advisable to present the results of this investigation in terms of 
such geography as find record on the charts. Briefly, therefore, I 
note the principal locations of each of the major stems found in this 
research. | 

puaka type.—Polynesia passim, Rubiana of the Solomons on the 
Samoa stream, Lifu and Nengone (New Caledonia and Loyalties) 
in deflection from the Viti stream. 

pakasi type-—New Hebrides on the Viti stream, Bismarck Archi- 
pelago if voko be accepted as of this type. 

boro type-—New Guinea, Bismarck Archipelago, Solomon Islands. 

bo type.—New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Banks group. 

In view of the social importance of the pig of Melanesia we shall 
serve an end of convenience by collating the references thereto scat- 
tered through the great work by Rivers, from which we have already 
made a valuable citation. The references are to ““The History of 
Melanesian Society.”’ 

The Ronalung group (Merlav, Banks Group) is connected with Merig 
through a woman of that island who saw a bird give birth to a girl child in 
a nut tree (mgai). ‘The woman looked after the girl and also had children 
of her own. One of these children came to Merlav and went to the village 
of Vanmisi, where she married. One of her sows went one day to a place 
called Ronalung and there gave birth to a girl who is the ancestress of the 
Ronalung (social) division. ‘Though the people are thus connected with 
Merig, it is not from the woman of that island, but from the pig that they 
are believed to be descended (I 25). 

In Merlav when a man dies his wife’s brother gives money and pigs to 
the relatives of the dead man and helps to support his widow (I 43). A 
matriage is usually negotiated by a third party, who arranges the amount 
which shall be paid by the bridegroom to the relatives of the bride. In one 
case of which I was told in Rowa (Banks Group) the amount so paid was 60 
fathoms of shell money and 2 pigs (I 49). 

(Ceremony of initiation into the fraternity of Sukwe in Mota.) If he con- 
sented John would announce that Mark would “wusulie about Kwatagiav.” 
Then Mark would bring a pig and tie it to a stake near the door of the 
gamal. Some man would blow a conch shell five times, three long continuous 
blasts and two interrupted blasts, upon which Mark would smack (wusulie) 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. (Zi 


the pig on the back, a man standing by saying, ‘“‘Let Mark now smack the 
pig for Kwatagiav.’’ ‘The pig then becomes the property of John (I 64). 

(Another initiation ceremony.) ‘The pigs had already been handed over 
and the payments of money were being made (I 70). 

(Initiation.) Thirty-seven people contributed altogether, their amounts 
varying from 1 to 12 fathoms, three also giving pigs (I 71). 

(Initiation.) To the man who fetched the cycas trees Charles gave a pig 
and the 2 extra fathoms (I 73). 

(Initiation.) After dancing for about 5 minutes Charles put the measur- 
ing rods against the thatch of the house and went to bring three stout pointed 
posts, which he stuck in the ground in a row on one side of the dancing ground, 
the posts being about 4 feet apart. Then from a shed he brought a very fine 
pig, which he tied to post No. 1, and then taking up the measuring rods, 
danced again. After a few turns he again put down the rods and fetched a 
second pig, which he tied to the second post. He danced again without the 
rods and then brought a pig to tie to the third post. “Iwo more posts were 
then erected and two pigs were tied to these. ‘Then Charles himself brought 
a sixth post and tied another pig to it and again danced, but now with a pig’s 
jawbone in his left hand and the measuring rods in his right, and after a few 
turns he went into the house. Abraham, the old man who was “making the 
Sukwe,”’ then set up two stakes close by the gamal and Charles came out of 
the house with 7 fathoms of money in his right hand, and taking up the pig’s 
jawbone in his left hand, he danced again a few turns. A woman, belonging 
to the village of the dancing party, then came and stood in the dancing 
ground near the house and Charles laid the 7 fathoms of money over her left 
shoulder. Three of the fathoms were to repay money she had given to the 
dancers, a tenth of a fathom to each, while the other 4 fathoms were given 
in addition. When he had given the money Charles again took the measur- 
ing rods and danced. A man then brought out three more pigs and tied 
two to the stakes set up by Abraham and the third to a cycas tree near the 
gamal and then Charles went on dancing. When he ceased Abraham put a 
leaf of the tree-fern in the thatch under the eaves of the house just over the 
doorway, and then went to the dancers and received from one of them a bow 
and arrow, which he carried into the house. Charles then danced again, 
holding 4 fathoms of money in his right hand and the pig’s jawbone in the 
left, and when he stopped a small boy, whom Charles called mak, came from 
the dancing party and Charles laid over his head the 4 fathoms, so that one 
end of the string of money hung over his face and the other down his back. 
The boy had helped to hire the dancers and had paid them 2 fathoms and he 
received the other 2 fathoms as interest on his outlay. . . . The dancers 
were then told to continue and Abraham and Charles again danced, the former 
now holding the arrow in his right and the bow in his left hand. Both men 
then stood by pigs Nos. 7 and 8 and Abraham slapped them in succession on 
the back, speaking to Charles as he did so, and then both danced again. ‘Then 
Abraham fitted his arrow to the string of his bow and drew his bow to shoot 
the pig No. 9, but Charles laid his hand on his arm to stop him. ‘The pig 
was to be killed for a feast, but as the next day was Sunday the killing was to 
be deferred to the following week. Charles then went on dancing alone with 
the jawbone and the measuring rods and then sat down to rest in the shade 
near his house. . . . At a period in the song of the dancers the kava roots 
were laid on the ground by the side of pig No. 2. . . . Six men then stood 
outside the gamal with conch shells and blew fourteen or fifteen times, blow- 
ing ‘‘for the pigs and for the money.”’ As they blew Charles and his father 
Alfred stood by the pigs Nos. 5, 4, 1, 2, 3, and 6 and both smacked the backs 


78 SISSANO. 


of the pigs in succession one after the other. . . . The conch shells were 
handed into the gamal, but probably by mistake, for they were at once passed 
out again and blown while Charles brought out another pig and handed it 
by the thong to Abraham and then danced again with the jawbone in his 
hand. Abraham then carried the money and measuring rods into the house, 
and coming out again loosed pigs Nos. 3 and 4, which were taken away. The 
pig which should have been shot was also taken away to be kept for the feast, 
and as it was led away the dancers danced behind it and thus made their exit 
from the dancing ground. ... Abraham took away the remaining pigs, 
which became his property (I 73). 

Anyone who wishes to visit the tabooed place to fish or fetch food has to 
pay a large sum of money to the man whose signs of rank they are. ‘This 
payment removes the ¢fapu, upon which occasion the owner has to kill a pig 
and make a feast for all the members of the Sukwe who belong to the same 
rank as himself (I 77). 

(Initiation, Motlav.) The head of a pig with tusks is put down on the mat 
in front of the child. . . . An old man now blows the conch shell four times 
and at the end of each blast the child takes a stone and puts it down on the 
top of the head of the pig. . . . The child is now called nat vuhe rau. . . . All 
the women who have taken part in this ceremony call the child (or man) 
nat or natui, child, while he calls them vev or vev vuhe rau (Motlav) or veve vus 
rawe (Mota), this meaning ‘‘mother, strike (or kill) hermaphrodite pig.” 
The child or man may not marry any of these women and sexual relations 
between them would be regarded very severely (I 80). 

(Initiation.) The money which the candidate collects is paid to this 
introducer, who has in turn to provide a pig. Before this pig is killed it is 
laid on its back with its legs stretched out, and each man who is to be initiated 
stamps once with either right or left foot on the breast of the animal, which 
is then killed and eaten. For the unimportant societies which can be entered 
by Var who have not eaten in the gamal, pigeons may take the place of the 
pig (I 88). 

A man must not cut or use in any way a plant which is the badge of a 
society to which he does not belong, the penalty being the fine of a pig to the 
members of the society whose badge he has used (I 93). A mistake made 
during the production of the werewere sound is visited very severely on the 
performer. He has to pay a tusked pig, and if he can not provide it himself 
his relatives have to do so for him. We were told that in the old days a man 
who could not expiate the offense with a pig was hanged, the regular method 
of inflicting the death punishment in the salagoro (I 98). 

(Initiation.) A man wishing to join the society gives a pig (rawe) to some- 
one already initiated, and in doing so would smack the animal on the back 
just as in initiation into the gamal, a man blowing a conch shell and saying 
‘Let X now smack the back of the pig.” . . . The introducer gives back a 
pig of the ordinary kind, which is known as his answer. ‘The candidate has 
then to give six other pigs to six men already initiated (I 98). Each of the 
men who have been given pigs takes 3 yards of money to the salagoro which 
he represents. . . . The nuts are eaten and the milk drunk, and those who 
have eaten may not leave the village till each has received a fathom of money 
from the recipients of the pigs (I 100). 

All the food cooked for the talasa feast must be eaten; if anyone allows 
this food to drop from his hand he has to pay a heavy fine of a pig or money. 
Salagoro food is never given to the pigs (I 105). After the talasa feast the 
skulls or jawbones of the pigs which have been killed are put up in trees or 
on stakes called palako as memorials of the occasion (I 106). 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 79 


The legend of the Tamate liwoa of Petanpatapata on Vanua Lava is told 
atlength. It involves the offer of the bride-piece for a girl by a line of suitors, 
a typical statement being, ‘‘So he took a well-tusked boar and a rawe with 
tusks and a hundred fathoms of money.” A note supplies the information 
that the rawe is “‘a special kind of pig said to be hermaphrodite, with large 
tusks’’ (I 107). 

There are other conditions which influence the act of joining the Tamate 
societies, some acting as obstacles and others as motives. Of the former 
one very important is that a man must liquidate his debts before he can be 
initiated, and this must be done with money, pigs not being sufficient (I 122). 

A very efficient obstacle is the difficulty of getting anyone already a mem- 
ber to undertake the duty of acting as introducer. When a man enters a 
society he has to obtain the services of a member to whom he gives money, 
the native expression being that he has to tiro mun this man. ‘Though the 
introducer receives money from the initiate, he has to give a pig, or pigs if 
more than one man is initiated. Ifa man has only one good pig he will not 
consent to act as introducer, because a consequence would be the loss of this 
pig. This is so well recognized that a man who is known to be so situated will 
not be asked to act. If, on the other hand, a man has a pig which is a fence 
jumper, yam eater, or a public nuisance, he will be only too glad to act as 
introducer and thus get rid of the animal with profit (I 123). 

The disputers would have to pay fines of pigs to those societies the names 
of which had been taken in vain (I 124). 

In all these cases payments of pigs or money or both appear to be the most 
important features of the initiations (I 131). 

The chief features of the kolekole are the dance, the killing of pigs, and the 
payments to those who participate, and everyone will try to excel his neigh- 
bor in the splendor of the dance, the number of the slaughtered pigs, and the 
liberality of payment (I 132). 

There are similar rites (magic) to increase the supply of pigs, fish, and 
flying foxes. In order to promote the fertility of pigs a special stone is buried 
(I 163). 

(Arag, New Hebrides.) Members of the Subwe moiety (social) call the 
Tagaro people matan dura (sow) (I 191). 

(Arag.) ‘The man who wishes to marry settles with the parents of the girl 
how many pigs he will give and it is arranged in how many days he shall be 
ready with them. . . . Only the brothers and the sister’s son of the father 
are to get the pigs which the bridegroom is about to present (I 207). The 
father gives her one of his own pigs to kill as a sign that it is the last of his 
property with which she will have anything to do. She kills the pig with a 
club and is then again wrapped up in her mat. One of the husband’s party 
is then deputed to fetch the pig, this duty being regarded as a high honor. 
A relative of the father stands over the animal to resist its being taken, but 
the man of the husband’s party has only to succeed in touching its body for 
the resistance to cease, when the pig is cut up and the parts distributed. 
The bridegroom takes the head, which he gives to some bachelor of his party. 
The man who is given the head in this manner may not marry a widow, but 
must marry a girl not previously married. . . . When the husband’s village 
is reached, the girl, still wrapped up, is put down in the open space of the 
village and the husband presents pigs to the father, at least four being given, 
and if the husband is an important man more than this number. . . . Then 
the father of the girl distributes the four pigs he had received to his brothers 
and to his sister’s son (I 208). 


80 SISSANO. 


(Arag.) ‘The names of women have similar prefixes which denote differ- 
ences of rank, but it was said that the rank is acquired altogether by the 
killing of pigs (I 210). 

(Santa Cruz.) The father’s sister gives a pig for the feast, which takes 
place when the child’s ears are bored (I 222). 

(Vanikoro.) ‘Those who offend (the marriage rules) have to pay turtle 
shell and pigs (I 225.) 

(Guadalcanar.) He offers (to the naroha bird) food in the form of pud- 
ding, as well as fish, pork, and tobacco, and the bird gives him the mana, 
which enables him to kill his enemy (I 243). 

(Fiji.) The Wailevu also planted food and had in addition the special 
privilege of eating the pig’s head, usually the perquisite of warriors (I 272). 

(Tikopia.) There are no pigs on the island (I 333). 

(Tikopia.) Dillon and Dumont d’Urville state that the people at one 
time had pigs and fowls, but had destroyed them on account of the harm 
done to their gardens (I 353). 

(Arag.) ‘The husband gives pigs, but he receives in return property from 
the relatives of his wife. It is, however, doubtful whether this gift of pigs 
from the man is to be regarded as purchase; it is more probable that it is 
one of those incidents which has formed the starting point of marriage by pur- 
chase rather than actual purchase itself (II 105). 

(Banks Group.) It is the custom to give pigs and money for a wife, but 
probably only for a wife other than the widow of the mother’s brother. If I 
am right in supposing that a man only gives pigs and money for his wife 
when the woman he marries is other than his uncle’s widow, the most natural 
explanation is that these payments correspond to the gift of the Arag bride- 
groom, but have developed into an organized system of payment for a bride 
(II 108). . 

(Ambrym.) The giving of pigs is an essential part of the ceremonies of 
initiation or of raising in rank (II 228.) 

(Malekula.) A man receives a new name on each rise in rank; each of 
these occasions is accompanied by the killing of pigs (II 229). 

Eastern Polynesia: (Arioi.) The societies were entered by a process of 
initiation, and both initiation and raising to a higher rank were accompanied 
by ceremonies of which the offering of a pig formed an essential part (II 242). 

The prominence of the pig in the ritual of the secret organizations sug- 
gests that it may have been introduced by the people who founded these 
organizations. If so it becomes natural that the pig’s jawbone should be 
used as money in the Torres Islands and that this object should be prominent 
in the dances connected with initiation into one of the higher ranks of the 
Sukwe. It may be noted that it is not only in the secret organizations of 
Melanesia that the pig is important, but it also takes an important place in 
the ritual of initiation into the Arioi societies of Polynesia (II 460). 

(New Britain.) A new member is allowed to see the bullroarer on payment 
of a pig, and by means of a second pig obtains admission to the dance (II 512). 

(New Britain.) Note of the employment of stone statues of the pig in the 
Ingiet society (II 517) and the magical use of the pig in the conjurations of 
the society (II 521). 

The chief material objects which I have been led to ascribe to the kava- 
people are the following: kava, shell money, the pig and fowl, the bow and 
arrow, the wooden gong, the conch shell, the fillet, and the cycas tree (II 533). 

(New Britain: Sulka.) The only restriction on food of which we know 
is that certain men and women may not eat the flesh of the pig, but this 


ed 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 81 


practice does not appear to be hereditary, a mother settling whether her child 
shall or shall not observe the restriction (II 538). 

(New Ireland: Siara.) The dog and pig are also totems (II 543). 

(New Hanover.) The snake, lizard, shark, dolphin, and pig (in carved 
masks) represent malignant beings (II 545). 

(San Cristoval.) When a pig is sacrificed in this island a bit of the flesh 
is burnt upon a stone and the blood of the pig is poured upon the fire (II 546). 


77. rain drinking water. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 143: 163. Polynesian Wanderings, 396 


POLYNESIAN. 
lanu Samoa, Tonga, Futuna. ranu Mangareva. 
fakalanu Tonga, Niué, Futuna. fa‘alanu Samoa. 
ndranu Viti. 
MELANESIAN. 
1. danum Tobadi. 14. ren Marshalls. 
2. danim Munuwai, Lochagon, Lak- | 15. dan Suralil, Nokon, Wogeo. 
urumau, Nemassalang, 16. ndan Limba, Langanie. 
Lawu, Fezoa. 17. €é-ndan Tegarot. 
3. damun Pororan, Petat, Hanahan. 18. rain Sissano, Arop. 
4. danim Molot, Kalangor. 19. réén Tumleo. 
5. a-ndanim Kait. 20. rién Tumleo. 
6. ranu Motu. 21. rieng Paup, Seleo, Yakomul. 
7. rani Tanna. 22. rai Malol. 
8. ramin Hamatana. 23. mi-nda Kowamerara, Sigab, Tatau, 
9. naru Vitu. Marei, Simberi. 
10. nalu Galoma. 24. ta Bissapu. 
II. nanu Sinaugoro, Hula, Keapara, | 25. ta Lalinau. 
Rubi. 26. ta-va Kabakaul, Raluana, Matu- 
12. ran Suein, Efaté, Mortlocks. pi, Ratawul. 
13. ran Uap, Gilberts. 27. tach Namarodu. 


The definition drinking water is somewhat too specific. 


It is more 


likely that the stem lanu is descriptive of a quality found in water 
such as may be used for drinking and for washing. The lavatory 
use predominates in the Polynesian occurrences of the stem, where 
fakalanu particularizes the washing with sweet water after bathing 
in sea-water, for the salinity of the tropical Pacific sea is so high that 
evaporation leaves the skin covered with fine crystals which are 
inconvenient. The noun in Viti waidranu determines this descrip- 
tive quality of the lanu stem, for it is a compaction of wai, the common 
word for water, and of lanu, and as a compaction has the sense fresh 
water. ‘The vai stem is of such wide application to all waters and 
to other liquids as to warrant the belief that its original sense was 
fluid. In the Polynesian it is necessary to add another element when 
one would express the sense of potable water, the type being the 
Samoan sua-vai. “This element sua recurs with other names of fluids, 
sua-susu milk when used as a beverage, sua-niu the water of the green 
coconut. In Melanesia the lanu stem appears sometimes in place of 
vai and sometimes side by side with it. 


§2 SISSANO. 


In the study of this suite of forms we are under the necessity of 
examining’ at the outset the effect of metathesis, a phonetic prin- 
ciple peculiarly frequent in this stem. This principle needs close 
study before we can assume to comprehend the phonetic motive of 
its application, but its mechanics are simple. In an earlier work 
(Easter Island, page 26) I have made the beginning of an examination 
of the theme, and at present I am not justified in advancing beyond 
the results there set forth. ‘The most that has been done is to devise a 
system for the record, and eventually for the comparative study, of 
vocables in which metathesis is discoverable. In that examination 
sufficient material was available to establish the fact that metathesis 
can be consonantal or vocalic. The device for establishing the types 
of metathesis is of extreme simplicity in the languages of open struc- 
ture and may be made to serve for the closed syllables also. In this 
scheme A is employed to designate the vowel of the first syllable. 
whatever it may be, E the vowel of the second, I of the third, and so 
on; B is employed to designate the initial consonant of the first syllable, 
c of the second, and so on. 

In the first group of metatheses which we encounter in this suite 
we find the change applied to the stem lanu. This will be repre- 
sented in the record scheme by the type BACE. ‘The metathetic form 
is of the simplest and numerically most frequent type represented by 
the type CABE, in which the vowels of the stem remain fixed, the 
initial consonants of the syllables interchange places. ‘Thus we find 10 
nalu, by a slight and familiar liquid mutation 9 naru and by a scarcely 
less frequent mutation 11 nanu. Friederici notes the possibility, it 
seems to him highly probable, that these forms are derivative from 
ngalu, the common Polynesian word for wave and particularly breaker; 
to me it seems far more reasonable to regard these as metatheses 
upon lanu. The second group consists of variants upon the closed 
stem danum. In my earlier examination of the principle it was not 
necessary to take into consideration the forms of closed syllables, 
for that work was concerned solely with the open Polynesian languages. 
The closed syllable may readily be represented by the employment 
of a typographically varied symbol of the same order as the initial 
consonant; thus meto is of the type BACE, and mento would become 
BADCE and meton would become BACEc. ‘The closed stem danum is 
of the type BACEc; by metathesis to the type BAcEc we find 3 démtn; 
from stem 2 dénim, subjected to a simple vocalic mutation, we find 4 
danim; and from a stem ranum, which we may properly interpolate 
on the strength of the occurrence of 6 ranu, we find 8 rémin. Pro- 
visionally we observe that metathesis in the closed syllable is accom- 
plished through the interchange of the former with the latter conso- 
nant. ‘This is provisional, adopted only for mechanical convenience. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 83 


I am not prepared to state that closed syllables are primordial. 
My hypothesis of the evolution of speech by the application of con- 
sonantal modulants leads more and more distinctly to the belief 
that the earliest employment of consonants was their initial appli- 
cation to the vowels. Of course it is not beyond the bounds of possi- 
bility that a later stage of development hit upon the device of adding 
a final consonant. At present it is not feasible to determine that 
point. However, we have many instances in which a stem now open 
in Polynesian appears closed in many Melanesian languages through 
the presence of a final consonant and that, in its turn, is clearly a 
development through abrasion from a former open stem. For an 
example of this we need look no further than the next preceding item 
(76 pul) where, in items 3-11, we have the series pakasi—mpokas— 
puka. Much study must be put upon this problem before we can 
arrive at a satisfactory determination; here I do no more than note the 
possibility that closed stems have arisen through final abrasion of 
the vowel of an added open syllable. Along this line of reasoning 
danum is not to be represented by BACEc but as BACED(1) and the meta- 
thetic damun is not BAcEC but BADEC(I); this signifies that all conso- 
nantal metathesis consists solely of the interchange of initial conso- 
nants of succeeding syllables. 

Having cleared away the complications introduced by the meta- 
thesis the series runs for some distance with satisfactory smoothness. 
Items 1-5 exhibit the closed ranum type, and in 2, 4, and 5 we note 
the mutation u-i in the latter syllable, and to this series belongs 8 
ramtn. Items 6, 7, 9-11 exhibit the open ranu type with the u-i muta- 
tion in 7. From 12 to 17 we find readily comprehensible variants 
of the ran type, merely ranu which has undergone final abrasion of 
vowel to be adjusted to speech in which the closed type is preferred. 
This is evidential that the stem was introduced to these regions by 
folk who employed ranu and from whose memory had passed the recol- 
lection of an earlier, if indeed earlier, stem danum or ranum (?). The 
rd mutation is frequent in these languages; in this series it is found 
in 1-5, 15-17. At this point I have inserted the distinctly northern 
New Guinea type 18-22, in which we recognize a ran type with that 
duplication of vowels which we note in speech of this particular group 
and whose explanation we are not yet far enough advanced in the 
knowledge of the linguistics of the region to comprehend. ‘The items 
23-27 may stand as of the ran type after yet further final abrasion. 
The Namarodu 27 tach is anomalous in the assumption of a final 
palatal; we note that Friederici reports it as less positive than the 
palatal of German nach. ‘The form 26 ta-va, somewhat widely dif- 
fused on the Gazelle Peninsula in New Britain, is explained by this 
author as a compaction of the water words ranu and vai. In this 
explanation it corresponds to the Viti wai-dranu already mentioned, 
but the elements are set in different order. 


84 SISSANO. 


80. rebin testes, spirit. 
REFERENCES: Deutsch-Neuguinea, 229. Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 100: 67. 


laben Siar, Garget (testes). 


This stem is a thin inclusion within the territory of the more frequent 
laso stem. It is not identified in Indonesia, nor have we any record 
of its appearance elsewhere in Melanesia. Its occurrence is limited 
to Astrolabe Bay and the Sissano lagoons on the north shore of New 
Guinea. 

88. sel stone. 

Note has already been made of the apparent association of sel with 
34 el the stone axe. Our Sissano material is too slight to admit of 
extended discussion, yet in so many of these languages the s—h muta- 
tion has been traced as far as extinction of the initial consonont that 
it is not unreasonable to assume its existence here. See note on page 
12 relative to the sago pounder. 


git. suk nose. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 118: 104. Codrington, 48:46. Ray, 
404: 97, 495:97. Polynesian Wanderings, 348. Subanu, 119. 


POLYNESIAN. 

isu. Samoa, Futuna, Fakaofo, Aniwa, | ihu Tonga, Niué, Uvea, Maori, Tahiti, 

Manahiki, Nuguria, Fotuna, Ro- Hawaii, Marquesas, Mangareva, 

tuma. Paumotu, Rapanui, Tongarewa, 
ishu Moiki. Nukuoro. 
iu. Rarotonga. ushu Kapingamarangi. 

udhu Viti. 
MELANESIAN. 
I. is’u Mugula. 20. lisui Maewo. 
2. isu Suau, Sariba, Tubetube, 21. barisu Wango. 
Adaua. 22. usu Efaté, Rook. 

3. izu Roro. 23. usung Jabim. 
4. izun Siassi. 24. uzum Siassi. 
5. ishuda __ Bonarua. 25. udu Motu. 
6. idu Pokau. 26. osu Buka. 
7. itu Roro, Kabadi. 27. ngusu Efaté. 
8. iru Hula, Galoma, Rubi, Vitu. 28. guhu Ambrym. 
g. ilu Sinaugoro, Keapara. 29. sunu Baki. 
1o. ihu Neela, Bugotu. 30. lusu Tami. 
ri. iu Raga, Oiun. 31. barusu- Fagani. 
12. wesu Buka. 32. palusu)  Ulawa, Bululaha. 
13. ules Buka. 33. pwalusu Saa. 
14. ngisu Sesake, Epi. 34. ngore Efaté. 
15. in-gidjin Aneityum. 35. ngongora Alite. 
16. nisung Nokon. 36. nunura_ Barriai, Kobe. 
17. kinihu Bierian. 37. soku Jibu. 
18. nehu Nggao. 38. urdru Doura. 
19. niu Awalama, ‘Taupota, Mu- 


kawa. 


As earlier pointed out in former studies of this interesting series 
of vocables, I am disposed to recognize the persistence of a primal 
stem su of some manner of application to the lower part of the human 
and simian face, to the anterior face of other animals, limited and 
particularized in its application to the naso-mandibular region. In 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 85 


languages of the plane of development occupied by the Polynesian 
we find a differentiation of two parts of the naso-mandibular region, 
isu the nose, gutu the mouth. Yet in the less-advanced thought of 
Melanesia we find in many instances that the two organs have not 
yet been permanently differentiated and that one or other of these 
accretion forms does duty indifferently for mouth or nose. A similar 
diffusion obtains in English snout and German schnauze. We do 
not encounter this primal su short of Sissano; it recurs in Indonesia 
among the Subanu, a people not distinctly superior in culture, as 
soong. 

The Polynesian shows in its determinant forms isu and gutu a formal 
distinction of the earlier vowel to separate the nose vocable from the 
mouth vocable. Yet Viti udhu shows that this is not wholly constant, 
for udhu, clearly a mutant of usu, is employed in the sense of isu; 
and an intermediary form, ushu of Kapingamarangi, is of great signifi- 
cance. ‘The two types, i and u, interlace throughout Melanesia with- 
out distinction of sense; our knowledge of none of this material is 
yet so intimate as to admit of the determination whether the two 
words interchange as vocables or whether the two organs have not 
yet been particularized for specific naming. In the foregoing tabu- 
lation items 1-21 are of the i series, 22-33 of the u series. Except 
for 13 vies and 15 in-gidjin, the latter vowel, which I assume to be the 
vowel of the primal stem su, remains constant. Regarding uies in 
conjunction with 12 wesu, reported from the same island, we have no 
difficulty in regarding it as a variant of wesu after abrasion of the 
final vowel. Aneityum is so crabbed in speech that we are very chary 
about the establishment of derivations which involve the action of 
mutation principles based upon our material from that speech alone. 
It is possible that gidjin is an isu derivative; there is sufficient resem- 
blance to warrant its inclusion in the series, but its anomalies must 
not be admitted to the argument. 

Before discussing the extrinsic modulation elements we shall best 
examine the suite of the s of the primal stem su. It remains unaltered 
i items 1, 2, 12-14, 16, 20-23, 26-27, 29-33. It passes to z in 3-4, 
24; to sh in 5, as in Polynesian Moiki and Kapingamarangi; to the 
mutes, d in 6 and 25, tin 7. “These are all mutations downward in 
the lingual series, from weak to strong. There is also mutation 
upward, progressive weakening. It passes from sibilant to aspirate 
in 10, 17-18, 28; it passes to the liquids, r in 8, 1 in 9; it becomes 
extinct, probably through the aspiration, in 11 and 19. 

We find the advanced stems isu and usu modified by consonant 
prefaces. The preface most frequent in employment is nasal, the 
lingual n of the same series as the stem consonant s, this being found 
in 16-19 and 29, for the CABE metathesis nusu—sunu is clear; the palatal 
ng is found in 14 and 27, from the latter of which 28 guhu depends, 


S86 SISSANO. 


either through the ng—g mutation, or else in Ambrym, as in so many 
cases in the Pacific g is employed to represent ng. A liquid preface 
gives an interesting series both for isu and for usu; in 20 lisui we 
find it employed upon isu with a terminal addition, in 30 lusu we 
find it employed with usu; each of these secondary compactions 
undergoes further distinction with an element which is found as ba 
in 21 and 31, as pain 32, and in 33 is affected by the Melanesian dif- 
ficulty in enunciation of the labials. We find another preface syllable 
kiin 17 kinihu. A terminal syllable makes its appearance in 5 ishuda. 
Final consonants occur. Sissano suk suggests the inclusion of 37 soku 
in the derivation chain; final ng is found in 16 and 23, final n in 4, 
final m in 24. The Efaté 34 ngore introduces us to a small and 
interesting group. Iam not prepared to pass upon the affiliation of 
this group with the su stem; yet if we start with 27 ngusu, also 
from Efaté, we find in 26 osu warrant for the o and in 8 iru warrant 
for the r. It is, however, quite clear that 35 and 36 are associable 
with ngore and perhaps the same is true of 38. 


94. taméng woman. 
REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 145. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 216. 


1. tamén ‘Tumleo. 3. tamine Kobe. 
2. taming Paup, Yakomul. 


Friederici includes these forms within the series of fine woman, 
but I am unable to establish the chain of affiliation through which 
such association might be settled. This stem recurs with slight pho- 
netic variety in 54 lon-tamin sister and in 119 wun-damin wife. 


97. tapo crocodile. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 112¢. 


tapt Sér. 


Friederici records these two forms after discussion of the widely 
disseminated bua crocodile, and the passage deserves citation in full. 


Zu erwahnen sind dann noch zwei Worte, die wieder zeigen, dass ein gewisser 
Zusammenhang zwischen den Melanesiern des Westteils der Nordkiiste von 
Kaiser-Wilhelmsland und der Gegend der Tabar-Inseln und von Limba und 
Langanie (Neu-Mecklenburg) besteht. Denn wir haben in: Sér: tapi; 
Sissano: tap6; Tumleo: alé6; Paup: alié; Yakomul: alii; Kowamerara 
(Tabar-Ins.): mi-l6wa; Tatua (ebenda): mi-képo; Limba und Langanie: 
lava. 

In the material here assembled I find myself unable to trace the 
interassociation which Friederici postulates. No more is it possible 


to adjust even so congruent a pair of vocables as Sér-Sissano with the 
general bua type. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 87 


gg. tenan mother. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 118: 100. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 213:128. 
Codrington, 47:43. Ray, 403:90, 494:90. Subanu, 146. 


POLYNESIAN. 
tina Samoa. tinga Fotuna. 
tina Viti. jina ‘Tonga. 
tinana Futuna, Sikaiana. kina  Ljiuaniua. 
MELANESIAN. 
t.. tina Graget. I5. sina Pokau, Doura, Motu, Sinau- 
2. tina Maleu, Nakanai, Mari- goro, Suau, Sariba, Tubetube, 
na, Vaturanga, Nge- Nada, Dobu, Mukawa. 
la, New Georgia, | 16. hina Panaieti, Tavara, Awalama. 
E Rubi, Tagula. 17. hinana Roro. 

3. tinan Ninigo, Saran, Siar. 18. inna  Mekeo. 

4. tinang Leut. I9. ina Wango, Fagani, Hula, Kea- 
5. tino Jabim. para, Galoma, Misima, Mu- 
6. tinong Umre. rua, Kiriwina, Oiun. 

7. tsitsina-nggu Vitu. 20. na Duke of York. 

8. tna Barriai. 21. nage’ Kilenge. 

9g. retne Vuras. 22. ine Koiari. 

10. téna Jabim. 23. mene Nengone, Koita. 

11. dina Tami, Bukaua. 24. nena Agi, Uberi. 

12. dinemi Eromanga. 25. neina MHagari, Koiari, Maiari, Koita. 
13. déna Jabim. 26. neia Agi, Uberi, Yela. 

14. zina Uni. 27. nia Yela. 


This series exhibits quite clearly a succession of devolution forms 
based upon the mutation of the initial consonant down to its extinc- 
tion. In this succesion we find t in items 1-10, d 11-13, z 14, § I5, 
h 16-17, extinction 18, 19, 22. In other respects there is little in the 
first 19 items which calls for notice. ‘The Barriai 8 tna is clearly 
t(i)na, and 9 retne is a compaction of an unidentified element with a 
similar elision as re-t(i)ne. It is possible that the Duke of York na 
derives from tina in its ina type by apocope, but when we reach so 
elemental a word form we may not express a positive determination 
on its affiliations. It may be that na-ge (21) is an evolution of this 
primitive form. Some confirmation of na may be found in the series 
beginning with 22. ‘The Koiari ine is clearly a tina derivative from 
the type tine, which we have already seen in 9 re-t(i)ne. In languages 
intimately associated with the Koiari we find the resultant ne dupli- 
cated in 23 nene of the Koita, and with a distant sporadic reappear- 
ance in Nengone. ‘The remainder of the suite clearly follows upon 
our acceptance of the association of nene with the tina stem. It is 
interesting to note that this particular suite is found in those languages 
of New Guinea which have been classed by Ray and others among 
the Papuan or non-Melanesian. (See page 133.) 


roo. tin penis. 
REFERENCES: Deutsch-Neuguinea, 215:144. Polynesian Wanderings, 431. 


Subanu, 149. 
POLYNESIAN. 
uti Viti. ure Maori, Rapanui, Tahiti, Mangareva, 
ule Samoa, Tonga, Niué, Hawaii. Paumotu. 


oe Marquesas. 


88 SISSANO. 
MELANESIAN. 

I. uti Efaté, Eluaue, Emsau, Jabim. | 10. witin  Siassi. 
2. utid Siassi. 11. gudin Tami. 
3. uting  Lihir. 12. kutira Kilenge. 
4. utine Arag. Ta. Ut Lemusmus, Dyaul. 
5. utira  Barriai. 14. usi Motu. 
6. Oti Ninigo. 15. usina Kabaddi. 
7. otin Saran. 16. usa Lalinau. 
8. otine Maewo. 17. us Pala. 

9g. ne-oti Bierian. 18. a Bongu. 


In the Melanesian material we find stems uti and usi, and we have 
sufficient instances of the t-s mutation to warrant us in assuming the 
affiliation. ‘The uti stem extends into the Polynesian area only in 
the single case of Viti. It is possible that Polynesian ule might 
derive from uti. ‘Two objections arise: one that the vowel mutation 
i-e is by no means frequent in the Polynesian fixity of the vowels, 
the other is that the Polynesian form would then be secondary to the 
Melanesian, and that is contrary to general observation based upon 
the most extensive comparative studies. 


101. to sugar cane. 


REFERENCE: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 147: 176. 


POLYNESIAN. 
to Tonga, Niué, Paumotu, Tahiti, Ma- | tolo Samoa, Futuna. 
ngareva, Marquesas. toro Aniwa. 
toa Rapanui. ndovu Viti. 
thou Rotuma. 
MELANESIAN. 
1. to Sissano, Wanimo, Leitere, Sér, | 13. tohé Hamatana. 
Arop, Wogeo, Bilibili, Bau- | 14. tohod Hanahan. 
ung, Ngamat. 15. tohu Motu. 
2. ne-to Aneityum. 16. tira Bongu. 
3. do Tami. 17. tovu Vitu, Marei, Simberi, Bur- 
4. tou Malo, Mota, Siassi. ruwe. 
5. tou Graget, Longa, Iapa, Mérobe. | 18. tuf Lauan, Nonapai, Lakure- 
6. tat Paup. fanga, Sali, Lemakot. 
7. teu Rook. 19. a-tuch Bissapu, Punam, Nokon. 
8. tét Yakomul, 20. éb-t6éch Lamassa. 
9. tad Pak. 21. ut6ch _— Petat. 
10. tu Tumleo, Bagail, Majum, Ave- | 22. top Siassi 
lus, Lossuk, Mongai, Le- | 23. tip King, Kait. 
musmus, Limba, Langanie, | 24. a-rdf Munuwai, Nemassalang, 
Belik. Fezoa. 
11, te Jabim. 25. a-rif Lakurumau, Panangai, Lawu. 
17 tt Jabim. 


The examination of the Polynesian material exhibits the to stem 
and three variants, accretion by a vowel and by an added syllable 
beginning with a liquid and with a labial respectively. The simple 
stem and all these variants and none other we find in the Melanesian 
material. 

The initial consonant undergoes mutation only in 3 do, the simplest 
of all mutations. The vowel of the simple stem becomes u in a number 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 89 


of languages; the less regular mutation to e and i appears only in 
Jabim in items 11 and 12. Accretion through a liquid is rare in the 
Polynesian series, being found only in Samoa and Futuna; we recog- 
nize it in Melanesia only in the single instance of 16 tara, and this 
with some hesitation, for while we may support the o-u mutation 
on the strength of 10 tu the vowel of the second syllable appears 
only this once as a. Accretion through a labial is unmistakable in 
17, 18, 22-25, and the palatal in 19-21 comes into the series as labial 
by reason of Friederici’s note that the ch has almost the f sound. In 
17 tovu we have the affiliate of Viti ndovu. 

In the aspirate forms 13-15 we may discover a transition stage in 
the direction of the forms where the accretion is but a vowel without 
consonant introduction. ‘The mutation from the labials to an aspirate 
proximate to that series is of considerable frequency; the dropping 
of the aspirate is even more frequent; thus we find a simple series 
from 17 tovu through 15 tohu to 4 and 5 tou. Thus linking items 4-9 
into the system we find progressive vowel alterations including the 
transposition in 9 tid. It is not altogether certain that the two 
forms 24 and 25 which involve the t-r mutation are derivatives from 
this stem, yet the mutation is not unknown and 18 tuf provides a 
ready point of departure. 


1o2. tur arrow. 


REFERENCE: Deutsch-Neuguinea, 131d. 


Lae Graget. | 10. ator Paup. 

2. tu Siar. 11. tatGr Tumleo, Dakur, Suén. 
3. ang-du Bogadjim. 12. tot6r Wogeo. 

4. msu Tami. 13. tét6ér Muschu. 

5. ma-t6 Tisasi. 14. tatuar Da4kiir. 

6. tun Langtub. 15. totaal Put. 

7. na-tan Kilenge. 16. tulach Nissan. 

8. tunga Kopoam. 17. toto Bawaipa. 

9g. tar Sér, Sissano, Arop, Malol. 18. doso Nupanob. 


Lacking comparable forms in Polynesia and in Indonesia, it will 
be idle to pursue this series exhaustively. The items are arranged 
in such order as has suggested itself and it might be possible to estab- 
lish one or more series of affiliates. So far as relates to these studies 
the presentation of the record suffices. In the next vocable, 104 turién 
bow, the presence of tir is unmistakable. 


105. ull breadfruit. 


REFERENCE: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 80 (1). 


POLYNESIAN. 
ulu) Aniwa, Nuguria. kulu Rarotonga. 
‘ula Samoa. kuru Mangareva, Nuguria, Aniwa, Sika- 
uru Tahiti. iana, Kapingamarangi. 


ul Rotuma. uhu = Liuaniua. 


90 SISSANO. 
MELANESIAN. 
1. ul EDS Arop. 18. fal Afur. 
2. ul raget. 19. wul Paup, Yakomul. 
3. Ul Karkar. 20. un Siassi, Barriai. 
4. ull Sissano. 21. on Lifu, Mare. 
5. ull Sér. 22. ongoi Mekeo. 
6. aul Tumleo. 23. unu Motu, Galoma, Rubi, Dobu, 
7. ur Nufoor. Kobe. 
8. ari Tobadi. 24. unuri Suau. 
9. yal Vrinagol, Tsinapali, Akur. 25. kun Kilenge. 
10. le Bilibili. 26. kan Siassi. 
11. ala Eluaue, Emsau. 27. kunu Mugula. 
ru Jabim. 28. kunori Wedau. 
13. kul Wogeo. 29. gun Nayama. 
14. kil Paluan, Lou, Moanus. 30. gunu- Sinaugoro, Hula, Keapara. 
15. kulu Vitu. 31. won Nokon, Muschu. 
16. gil Nayama. 32. gum Tami. 
17. Vol Dallmannhafen. 33. kumu_  Kiriwina. 


Friederici has subjected the breadfruit names to such a searching 
examination and has drawn a conclusion so brilliant that I hesitate 
to traverse his conclusions even in a single particular. He estab- 
lishes four stocks of breadfruit names, the un, the mai, the bareo, and 
the be. Of these the former two follow a parallel and often inter- 
lacing course from Indonesia. His un stock is traceable from the 
northwestern tip of Sumatra, through Indonesia, along the north 
coast of New Guinea, down through Melanesia (its occurrence in Lifu 
and Mare (21) is at the ultimate Melanesian outpost), thence into Poly- 
nesia, as exhibited in the proper section of the foregoing tabulation. 
His mai stock falls within that speech group which, with no great 
precision, we call Micronesian, is found in the Santa Cruz and New 
Hebrides groups, and extends into Polynesia. In this inquiry we 
have to concern ourselves only with the former of these stocks. 

I can not find myself in accord with Friederici in naming this the 
un stock. His studies are based upon the Melanesian with a back- 
ward gaze upon the Indonesian; this is sufficient to establish the un 
forms in his view as primal. My examination of the identical material 
is based upon the Polynesian. That group of languages I regard as 
portative of these elements of the many languages of Indonesia as 
well as Melanesia; therefore I look upon the un stock as secondary 
and derivative from a Proto-Polynesian, which can have been nothing 
but ulu or uru or kulu-kuru. 

We may not undertake to determine the point whether the initial 
palatal is primal or has been assumed. ‘The k in these oceanic lan- 
guages is subject to a peculiar movement. At some period whose 
remoteness we are unable to estimate a tendency to obliterate the k 
was operative in many of the languages of the Pacific tract. It may 
have been a progressive movement; in some languages ancient, in 
others more modern. In the Samoan it is clearly but briefly exterior 
to the beginning of our knowledge. It is now eighty years since 
the first missionaries made the acquaintance of this speech. They 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 91 


came equipped for their studies with a practical knowledge of the 
speech of Tahiti, from which the k had then completely dropped 
out. But when they listened to a word from Samoan lips with which 
they were familiar in Tahiti they noted a difference in this particular 
sufficiently great to call for note in recording the new speech. We 
find an illustration in this breadfruit word, in Tahiti uru with a com- 
plete abolition of the k, but in Samoan they found themselves under 
some phonetic necessity to particularize attention upon the dropping 
of the initial and to write the word ‘ulu. The inverted comma is 
used consistently in the written Samoan to record the absence of that 
palatal mute. 

The phonetic problem is for the most part disregarded by those 
foreigners who assume to speak some sort of Samoan, yet it is essential 
to the proper use of the speech and involves no insurmountable dif- 
ficulty. The vowel introduced by inverted comma, to which has 
been assigned the name “‘break,”’ is pronounced as of its proper quality 
but from the palatal mute position. Effectively the speech organs 
are set in the position for the production of the k and immediately 
without emitting the k sound, pass to the voicing of the vowel. That 
this is of importance is illustrated by the fact that between ulu the 
head and ‘ulu the breadfruit the only means of distinction is the 
break. Its presence in Samoan is proof that the dropping of the k is 
most recent. While upon this theme we note the still more modern 
swing back to the resumption of the palatal mute in pronunciation, 
but now addressed upon the lingual mute with the result that in 
written Hawaiian and in spoken Samoan the t has been completely 
replaced by k, a phonetic development fitly described as the process 
of kappation. 

The dropping of k from a primal kulu is thus easily accounted for. 
It would be more difficult to predicate a primal ulu and to account 
for the assumption by widely sundered peoples of k and none other, 
as shown in items 13-16 and 25-33. ‘The only objection to postulating 
a primal kulu lies in the labial group 17-19 and 31. To pass from 
palatal to labial is not in the scheme of the mutations of these lan- 
guages, all the more difficult to consider by reason of the extreme dif- 
ficulty of using the lips in the most of the Melanesian languages. It 
is easier to regard these labial forms as sporadically developed from 
ulu as a secondary stage of kuru. 

In establishing the un forms as derivative from kulu we encounter 
no phonetic difficulty, for the 1-n mutation is abundantly determined. 
We find confirmation in the close parallelism of the two types of form, 
kulu-kunu 15 and 27, kul—kun 13 and 26, gul-gun 16 and 29, ulu—unu 
11 and 23, ul-un 1 and 20; the only case in which we do not find a 
clear parallel is 30 gunu for which gulu is not yet discovered. Second- 
ary to the un type we find in 22 ongoi a mutation of n—-ng as well as a 


92 SISSANO. 


strong resemblance to the accretion forms 24 and 28 unuri—kunori; 
anothér secondary form involving the n—m mutation is found in 33 
kunu and 32 gum. ‘The two obscure forms 6 adil and 9 yal seem asso- 
ciable with the labial type already discussed. ‘The former vowel stands 
at u with great consistency; we find a passage to o in 21, 22, and 31, 
toaingand18. For the latter vowel we have scantier record, owing 
to the common disposition of Melanesian speech toward closed sylla- 
bles which is sufficiently potent to sacrifice an original final vowel by 
abrasion; it stands as primal u in 11, 15, 23, 24, 27, 30, and 33; it 
passes to 0 in 22 and 28, to e in 10, and toi in 8. 


107. Viti hand drum. 


REFERENCE: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 89¢. 


1. béti Sér. 5. atéi Paup. 

2. Viti Sissano. 6. ati Paup, Yakomul. 
3. vati Arop. 7. aiti Tsinapali, Akur. 
4. véti Arop. 


We find ourselves concerned here with a small group of New Guinea 
stock exhibiting readily associable affiliates on a common stem. We 
are quite unable to trace the stem elsewhere in Melanesia and not 
at all in the greater areas which lie west and east respectively. 


108. vdptin penis calabash. 


The linguistic material is lacking whereby we might trace in this 
character of dress the movement of the peopling of these islands. 
But the item is so important in its relation to the growth of the cloth- 
ing attire and exhibits such interesting detail of the beginning of the 
sense of corporal modesty that I am sure that it will be of service to 
include here the record of the minute examination made by Friederici: 


Es diirfte fiir einen Ethnologen kaum zweifelhaft sein dass diese Art der 
Kilenge und Barriai Leute ihr Malo [the common perineal band of the islands] 
mit hochgebundenem Penis und freiheraushéngenden Hoden zu tragen ein 
Glied jener Entwicklungsreihe bildet zu der auch die Kynodesme gehért und 
welche wenigstens zum Teil in engen Beziehungen zu jener anderen Reihe steht 
die durch Penisschutz in irgend einer Form charakterisiert ist. Ich stellte 
zundchst die Orte fest, soweit meine Kenntnis reicht, wo wir eine ganz ahn- 
liche Trageweise finden wie die in Frage stehende. Da sind zundchst die 
Bewohner des Miindungsgebiets des Mamberomno, im besonderen des 
Dorfes Kukundori, die die glans des hochgenommenen Penis zwischen Bauch 
und eine vielfach um den Leib gewundene Fischleine klemmen. Zu bemerken 
ist aber dass in dieser Gegend auch Penisschutzvorrichtungen getragen werden 
in Gestalt von Kokosschalen oder Hiilsen (klapperndoppen) und der bekann- 
ten Penis-Kalebassen der Angriffshafengegend. Denselben hochgebundenen, 
vermittelst der langen Vorhaut unter den Giirtel geklemmten Penis, haben 
wir dann in der Utanata-Gegend, aber auch hier wieder mit der Modifikation 
dass ein alter Mann gesehen wurde der die glans in ein angebundenes Schneck- 
engehduse gesteckt hatte. In dieser ganzen Gegend, bei den Tugere und 
Toro, finden wir diese Mischung; der Penis ist nach oben geholt, ohne oder 
mit Schnecke, die Hoden hangen in jedem Falle frei und unbedeckt herunter. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 93 


Schliesslich haben wir in der Gegend von Port Moresby (Motu) eine Trage- 
weise des Penis, die jener der Barriai und Kilenge sehr ahnlich ist; nur hangen 
hier die Hoden nicht frei nach rechts heraus, sondern das Scrotum wird durch 
die ‘T’-Binde in zwei Teile geteilt so dass nach jeder Seite eine Halfte heraus- 
hangt. Dass diese Leute auch sonst mannigfach den Bewohnern von West- 
Neu-Pommern ethnisch nachstehen hatte ich schon einige Male Gelegenheit 
anzudeuten. Dass endlich diese Trageweise eine Art von Kynodesme 
bedeutet hat schon Hovorka sehr richtig erkannt, und damit verweise ich 
auf die Verbreitung der letzteren innerhalb Polynesiens, die ich bereits an 
einer anderen Stelle zu beleuchten versucht habe. 

Schliesslich haben wir eine ganz nahverwandte Erscheinung auf den Hebri- 
den-Inseln Malekula, Tanna und vielleicht auch Ambrym, sowie auf Neu- 
Caledonien. Aus Griinden des narak nach Somerville, oder zum Schutz 
gegen Schadden nach J. R. Forster, tragen diese Leute bei freihangenden Hoden 
den Penis fest eingewickelt, mit Schnur oder Band nach oben gezogen und am 
Giirtel befestigt. Der Penis steckt de facto in einem zylindrischen Penis- 
futteral, das durch Schnur in Stellung nach oben gehalten wird. Die Parallele 
mit den Barriai und Kilenge Leuten geht noch insofern weiter, als auch bei 
den Malekula, Tanna und Neu-Caledonia Leuten durch incisio operiert ist; 
aber wahrend die Scham der Barriai wo anders sitzt und sie keine Schwierig- 
keit machen, den incisierten Penis sehen zu lassen, haben die Tanna und 
Malekula Leute die grésste Scham dies zu tun. Diese ganze in den letzten 
Absatzen besprochene Sitte, die ganz offenbar friither einmal eine war oder 
sich aus einer gemeinsamen Wurzel abgeleitet hat, zeigt wieder einmal durch 
ihre Zahl von Varianten auf einem, ethnologisch betrachtet, raéumlich und 
zeitlich begrenzten Ratume, wie nichts im Volkerleben stillsteht, wie alles 
lebt, sich entwickelt oder zuriickgeht, sich verandert zum Fortschritt oder 
zum Verfall. 

Der erste Anblick eines Tanna-Mannes beriihrt noch viel merkwiirdiger 
als der eines Barriai oder Kilenge. Es nimmt daher nicht Wunder dass die 
Missiondre diese Leute fiir nicht ‘‘decently’’ gekleidet erklart, sondern in 
dieser Penis-Verhiillung ein “‘disgusting costume”’ erblickt haben, obwohl sie 
in eben demselbes Satz zugeben, dass jene Leute in dieser von ihren Vatern 
iiberkommenen Sitte absolut nichts Unanstandiges, sondern im Gegenteil 
etwas durch ihre Anstandsgesetze Gebotenes erblicken. Der Anblick ist 
allerdings fiir jemand, der sich nicht den Ruck geben kann, frei von euro- 
pdischen Vorurteilen an ein Naturvolk heranzutreten, sicherlich an sich nicht 
asthetisch, und wirkt auch auf einen Ethnologen dadurch wenig erfreulich, 
dass die leicht ersetzbaren und daher sauberen Hingeborenen-Stoffe der Zeiten 
von Cook und Forster gegen schmutzige europdische Lappen ausgewechselt 
sind, weil diese fiir wertvoller gehalten werden, nicht so leicht zu ersetzen 
sind und daher getragen werden, bis sie verfaulen und verfallen. 

In Amerika haben wir die richtige Kynodesme bei den Chichimeken von 
Jalisco, bei den Insel-Karaiben, Warrau in Guayana, in der Provinz Avurra 
im Cauca-Tal, bei den Mayoruna des Amazonas und bei Anwohnern der 
Magelhdes-Strasse. Den hochgebundenen Penis der Barriai finden wir bei 
den Paressi Brasiliens. 

Kehren wir nun von Neu-Caledonien, von Osten nach Westen, zu einem 
Ueberblick iiber die noch nicht genannten Penis-Schutzvorrichtungen zurtick, 
so ergibt sich folgendes: Auf Ulawa, Siid-Salomonen, bemerkte Surville 
Blatter-Penishiillen, von denen die Expedition Mendafia nichts erwahnt. 
Auf Emirau wird nach Parkinson neben dem Ovulum ovum auch eine kleine 
gelbe Kiirbisart als Penisbedeckung benutzt; ich habe das nicht bemerkt 
und sah auch verhdltnismassig nur wenige der weissen Ovula. Von der St. 


94 SISSANO. 


Matthias Gruppe habe ich nur die nach Siiden vorgelagerten kleinen Inseln 
besucht, die Hauptinsel habe ich iiberhaupt nur betreten um ein Paar Gesteins- 
proben zu nehmen. Auf den besuchten Inseln nun war das Verhaltnis 
genau wie auf Emirau, nur wenige Leute trugen die Schnecke. 

Die nadchste Station bilden die Admiralitats-Inseln. Ob hier auf allen 
Inseln das Ovulum ovum als Penisbedeckung getragen worden ist erscheint 
mir sehr zweifelhaft. Carteret, der Entdecker, erwahnt nichts hiervon, 
obwohl er den Anzug der Leute beschreibt, und sicher erscheint dass das 
Tragen des Ovulum zuriickgeht. So habe ich auf Pak, Lou, und Paluan nicht 
einen einzigen Mann mit dieser Penisbedeckung gesehen. 

Das Zentrum des Penis-Kalebassen-Gebiets von Nord-Neuguinea ist der 
Angriffishafen. Die Leitere-Leute haben diesen Penisschutz zweifellos frither 
auch durchweg getragen. Hine einzelne solche bemalte Kalebasse fand ich 
in Sissano, wo man sie v0pin nannte, aber gleich auf Befragen eingestand 
dass sie aus Wanimo stamme. 

Die Westgrenze an der Humboldt-Bai ist nicht so ganz klar und erfordert 
einen Augenblick Verweilen. Van der Sande stellt als Westgrenze Kap 
Bonpland und als Ostgrenze der Penis-Kalebasse Leitere fest, wo sie nur 
sporadisch vorkamen. Dieses Ergebnis stimmt allerdings in grossen Ziigen. 
In Leitere, wo Finsch, sein Entdecker vom Wasser auf, einige Penis-Kale- 
bassen im Gebrauch fand, tragt sie nach rund 25 Jahren kein Mensch mehr. 
Als ich wahrend meines Marsches entlang dieser Kiiste dicht dstlich der 
Make-Halbinsel am Angriffshafen die ersten beiden Wanimo-Leute mit 
solchen Kalebassen traf, waren wir alle, die wir die Kiiste nun von Yakomitl 
einschliesslich an kannten, iiber diesen Anblick h6dchst erstaunt; einige 
meiner Leute machten sich lachelnd gegenseitig darauf aufmerksam. Von 
hier bis einschliesslich der Sék6-Do6rfer, also bis zum Kap Bonpland, habe ich 
keinen erwachsenen Mann gesehen der die Penis-Kalebasse nicht trug. Es 
ergibt sich also, dass den Leuten von Leitere bis Dyambue, die alle Glieder 
einer Stammesfamilie sind und die eine Papua-Sprache reden, die Penis- 
Kalebasse urspriinglich eigen war, dass aber die Leitere-Leute diese Sitte in 
den letzten Dezennien abgelegt haben. Als Grund hierfiir kann ich nur 
annehmen dass Leitere, obwohl wissenschaftlich so gut wie unbekannt, doch 
schon seit vielen Jahren von Arbeiter-Anwerbern aufgesucht wird, und so 
von aussen beeinflusst worden ist. 

Aus den Quellen ergibt sich nun aber, dass iiber diese Grenzen hinaus, 
auch von den Anwohnern der Humboldt-Bai, den Jétafa-, sowie Enchau- und 
Imbi-Leuten, teilweise solche Kalebassen getragen wurden, und zwar frither 
mehr wie neuerdings. Ich stimme nun Van der Sande vollkommen bei, dass 
ein aussen vor der Humboldt-Bai treibendes Schiff nicht ausmachen konnte, 
ob die besuchenden Leute aus den kalebassentragenden Sék6-Dé6rfern gekom- 
men waren oder aus der Bai. Ich glaube ferner auch mit Van der Sande, dass 
die eigentlichen Jétafa der inneren Bai durchaus nackend gingen, wie ihre 
Nachbarn vom Sentani-See, die Kalebassen also héchstens einmal entlehnt 
trugen; dagegen habe ich in dieser Hinsicht einige Bedenken betreffend der 
Enchau- und Imbi-Leute, die tatsdchlich mit solchen Penis-Kalebassen 
bekleidet gesehen worden sind und die—vom Schiff oder vom Lande aus 
betrachtet—doch genau in entgegengesetzter Richtung von den Sék6-Leuten 
wohnen. Diese Frage, die mit dem zur Verfiigung stehenden Material nicht 
zu ldsen ist, verdient im Auge behalten zu werden, denn auch linguistisch 
sind Unterschiede zwischen den Bewohnern der Innen- und Aussen-bucht von 
Humboldt-Bai vorhanden. 

Vergessen werden darf an dieser Stelle nicht der Penisstocher, der bei 
diesen Leuten zur Penis-Kalebasse gehért, wie der Kalkspatel zur Kalk- 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 95 


Kalebasse. Der Penisstocher, der die Gestalt einer hélzernen Stricknadel 
hat, steckt neben dem Kamm im Haar und tritt von hier aus haufig in Tatig- 
keit. Die Kalebasse, die den Zweck hat, den Penis gegen Beschadigung im 
Busch oder Insekenangriffe zu schiitzen, hat den Nachteil, dass sie sich leicht 
lockert und beim Schwimmen oder Gehen durch Wasser vollaéuft. Nach 
jedem Passieren eines Flusses von grésserer Tiefe als Spalthédhe—was uns 
damals im Januar, in der Regenzeit, alle Augenblicke passierte—entstand ein 
Aufenthalt, wihrend dessen meine Kalebassentrager ihr T6pfchen abnahmen 
und entleerten, eine neue griine Blatteinlage in die runde Offnung legten, den 
Penis hineinsteckten und nun mit Hilfe des Penisstochers diesen so weit 
hineinstopften, bis er ganz verschwunden und die Kalebasse dicht am Bauch 
lag. Auch wahrend des Marsches, bei jedem Halt, beim Sitzen am Lager- 
feuer kann man beobachten wie sie ihren Stocher aus den Haaren ziehen, 
Toilette machen, und dann den Stocher wieder an seinen Platz stecken. 
Alles dies fiel mir schon nach wenigen Tagen gar nicht mehr auf: so sehr 
gewohnt man sich an die fremdartigsten Anblicke, wenn man immer solche 
Leute um sich hat. (Deutsch-Neuguinea, 153.) 


I have cited at this length the statements of fact as observed by 
Friederici because of the importance of this detail of custom in estab- 
lishing the interlacing of several stems in this New Guinea path of 
migration. He continues the discussion with an interesting and 
instructive argument upon the localization and development of the 
sense of modesty in the unclad. 


Iog. vum to plant. 
REFERENCE: Deutsch-Neuguinea, 214: 139. 


1. uma Barriai. 5. vum Sissano. 
2. uma Motu, Maiva, Efaté. 6. bum Arop. 

3. um Wagap. | 7. umwa Mota. 

4. vama _ s*Vitu. 8. uman- Aneityum. 


We have here a sparsely distributed stem occurring on the north 
shore of New Guinea and at the west end of Neu-Pommern in the 
Vitiaz Strait channel of translation, on the south coast of New Guinea 
at a point considerably remote from the Vitiaz Strait, again in the 
New Hebrides at Mota, Efaté, and Aneityum. The Motu-Mota 
location serves to set this stem on the Viti stream; the Sissano-Barriai 
location points to the confluence of migration through Vitiaz Strait 
with my Viti stream and has no bearing on Captain Friederici’s conten- 
tion that the establishment of this exit wipes out my Samoa stream in 
the Bismarck Archipelago. He notes concerning this stem that it is com- 
mon in Malayo-Polynesian; I can identify it in no Polynesian language. 


110. vus (kusch) rain. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 124: 118. Codrington, 48:48. Ray, 
405: 102, 496: 102. Polynesian Wanderings, 322. Subanu, 148. 


POLYNESIAN. 
uha “Tonga, Niué. udha Viti. 
ua Samoa, Fakaofo, Futuna, Uvea,}| uva Kapingamarangi. 


Fotuna, Nuguria, Sikaiana, Tiko- | uas MRotuma. 
pia, Maori, Tahiti, Hawaii, Raro- 

tonga, Marquesas, Rapanui, Ma- 

ngareva, Manahiki. 


96 SISSANO. 


MELANESIAN. 

1. usa Sesake, Marina, Maewo, Va- | 23. kusch  Sissano. 

turanga, Tangoan Santo, | 24. katts Paup. 

Suau. 25. Vus Sissano, Arop. 
2. usana  Dobu, Kubiri. 26. ua Efaté, Epi, Ndeni, Koiari. 
3. usan Kiviri. 27. yuo Baki. 
4. us Santo, Malekula. 28. aud Bongu, Bogadjim. 
5. eus New Ireland. 29. O Ambrym. 
6. ous Nokon. 30. OT Graget. 
7, na sawa Kilenge. 31. wa Yoda, Binandele, Amara. 
8. uha Ngela, Bugotu. 32. bwa Efaté. 
9. uh Lakon. 33. Va Koiari, Kokila. 
10. uhe Arag, Omba. 34. nihua  Bierian. 
11. ehe Aneityum, Eromanga. 35. buk Sér. 
12. usha Aola. 36. reu Arag, Merlav. 
13. utha Guadalcanar. 37. abara_ Roro. 
14. ura Rubi, Manam, Vitu, 38. awara_ Barriai. 
15. urata Buka, Bougainville. 39. auaha_ Kobe. 
16. uruotta Bougainville. 40. wat Pak. 
17. urei Gog. 41. wet Sasar, Alo Teqel. 
18. uta Alite, Gower Island. 42. weta Lo. 
19. kusana Mukawa. 43. wend Volow. 
20. kuse Sariba. 44. wen Norbarbar, Vuras, Mosin. 
21. qesi Murua. 45. wena Mota. 


22. qes Nada. 


The Proto-Samoan stem has been established as uha, retained in 
Niué and Tonga in Polynesia, in 8 Ngela and Bugotu and_ readily 
identifiable in 9-11 in Melanesia. From this primal stem certain of 
these languages proceed by obliterating the inconvenient aspiration 
yielding the ua type. This has been the case most largely in Poly- 
nesia; in Melanesia we find 26 ua in the New Hebrides and in one of 
the so-called Papuan languages of Torres Straits; we can trace this 
form through 27-30; in 31 we find the first stage of hardening in the 
employment of the semivowel; in 32 it has advanced a stage farther 
and has become distinguished by one of the amorphous labials so 
frequent in Melanesia; thence in 33 has passed to a more sharply 
defined labial; in 34 we find ua or metathetic uha with a preface of 
undetermined sense. 

In certain other of these languages the inconvenient aspiration is 
disposed of by a process of strengthening, in which, so long as the 
mutations are limited to the lingual tract, we have no difficulty in 
following the movement. ‘The briefest mutation ish-s. ‘This appears 
metathetically in Rotuma was, is found in 1-6, possibly in 7, and 
again in 19-22 and 24-25. ‘The mutation to shis found indisputably 
in 12 and seems to appear in 23, but as to the latter we must note 
that the validity of the word needs determination and that the initial 
k may be found to remove 19-24 from affiliation with the uha stem; 
yet in the same connection we observe that vus, which Friederici 
records in the place of kusch, offers the sole instance of a labial pre- 
face, for in 31-33 we have established that the labial is not a preface 
but a modification of the initial u. The next stronger mutation th is 
found in 13 utha from Guadalcanar and a slightly advanced stage in 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 97 


Viti udha. The ultimate possibility of strong mutation along the 
lingual series is to t, which is found in 18 uta in Alite and Gower. 
Postulating a metathesis of uta into uat, as we have seen to be the 
case from usa to Rotuma uas, we shall find no difficulty in passing 
to 40 wat, as we have noted in the case of 31 wa; and having once 
established wat in the chain of affiliation, the forms of the group 41-45 
fall systematically into line. 

The mutation of h to r falls within the lingual series, but in the 
detailed examination of mutation forms in the “Polynesian Wander- 
ings’”’ I have failed to establish such a mutation by a single instance. 
It may be suspected as operative in 14 ura, in 17 urei, in the metathetic 
36 reu; to these forms we subjoin others in which r appears, 15-16, 
and the group 37-39, which Friederici rejects from the wha series 
and in which we can do no other than agree with him. 

In 19-24 we find what seems to be the us stage of the stem prefaced 
by more or less distinct palatal consonants. ‘This group is confined 
to New Guinea and appears on the north shore and in Torres Straits. 
The labial preface has been discussed in connection with va and with 
vus; we note in addition 35 buk, which would not be included at all 
if it were not that Sér is so close geographically to Sissano as to suggest 
common influence. 


115. wesch paddle. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 122: 110. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 261. 
Ray, 496: 99. Polynesian Wanderings, 429. Subanu, 117. 


POLYNESIAN. 


fohe Tonga, Niué. hoe Maori, Tahiti, Marquesas, Rapanui, 
foe Samoa, Tonga, Futuna, Uvea, Si- Mangareva, Hawaii, Tongarewa, 
kaiana, Tikopia. Nuguria, Nukuoro, Liuaniua, Nu- 
foi Fotuna. kumanu, Tauu, Kapingamarangi. 
vodhe Viti. ohe Mangareva. 
MELANESIAN. 
1. fOze Gower Island. 16, VOS Lamassa, Lambom, Laur, 
2. fos Liberii. Panemego. 
3. fis Tanga, Anir, New Ireland. 17. ta-vOs__—_ Siassi. 
4. hose Nakudukudu, Kalil, Soa, Ha- | 18. vode Pokau. 
matana. 19. voe Awalama, Taupota, Wedau, 
5s. hos Nokon, Suralil, Pororan, Pe- Galavi, Boniki. 
tat, Hitau. 20. vesi Vokau, Vrinagol. 
6. hos Mouk. 21. vies Arép, Maldl. 
7. hes Liba, Lassu, Langanie. 22. ne-hev Aneityum. 
8. hote Malanta. 23. posi Rook. 
9. hode Koiari, Koita, Motu. 24. poke Mekeo. 
10. vose Mopte, Burruwe, Iapa. 25. bos Malekula. 
II. vose Suau. 26. bote Roro. 
12. ta-vose Kelana. 27. bot Tami. 
13. vOze Vitu. 28. boe Mukawa, Kubiri, Oiun. 
14. VOzi Vella Lavella. 29. boi Kiviri. 
15. VOS Nemassalang, Lakurumau, | 30. uose Efaté, Sariba. 
Bol, Fatmilak, Tatau, Topi- | 31. wose Mota. 
meda, Sambuari, Kowa- | 32. wosi Sariba, Mugula. 


merara. | 33. woase’_ Sariba. 


98 SISSANO. 


34. woate Malanta. 54. OS Dyaul. 
35. uos » Efaté. 55. hosa Palabong. 
36. uohe Efaté. 56. wosa Matantuduk. 
37. She Jenbi. 57. wosa Namarodu. 
38. Ose Emirau, Eluaue, Emsau, | 58. uasa Pala. 
Kung. 59. wasa Bisapu. 
39. ode Kabadi. 60. wasa Pire. 
40. 0e Waremo. 61. Was Lihir. 
41. faso Jamna. 62. wés Mahur, Massait, Mali. 
42. VOSO King, Kait. 63. Vole Nakanai. 
43. voho Epi. 64. pore Barriai, Kobe, Wuvulu. 
44. hds6 Labtr. 65. ore Manam. 
45. g6sd Lamussong. 66. wai Jio. 
45. Oso Kawiéng. 67. ai Yakomiul. 
47. 686 Komalabt. 68. aiis Paup. 
48. 6s6 Komalt. 69. ais Ali. 
49. 6s6 Kokola. 70. aus Anggél. 
50. 6s0 Panakondo. 71. VO Kabakaul, Mol6t. 
51. 6s0 Murapa. 72. vea Tanna. 
52. a-6s6 Belik. 73. na-pe Kilenge. 
53. OS Lemusmus. 


The stem is fohe and in most of the varied forms here assembled we 
engage with the mutations of the two consonants. In the first forty 
items we run the whole course of lingual variability even to extinc- 
tion, and nothing calls for particular comment except 37—40, in which 
we find, in remotest New Guinea, the form ohe, which recurs in 
southeastern Polynesia. The mutations of the h in the second syl- 
lable run a characteristic path with but few anomalies; 24 poke is 
admissible only as a kappation upon a pote base suggested by 26-27. 
The vowel skeleton is chiefly o—-e with variation to o-i in 14, 23, 29, 
32. The former vowel is found as i in 3 fis, which appears a satisfac- 
tory identification, as e in 7, 20-22. In 22 hev we find a metathesis 
upon a vehi which does not appear in the record, but which may prop- 
erly be interpolated from 20 vesi. ‘The items 41-62 seem to belong 
to a stem in 0-0, which is strangely parallel with the fohe stem. In my 
estimate of the tendency of these languages to preserve their strength 
in the vowel structure I incline to distrust the likelihood of so general 
a variation from fohe to a putative foho; yet the two forms-as naming 
the same physical object interlace all through Melanesia, and it is 
possible that they have a common source, and in the examination 
of this stem we are led to the acceptance of forms having a—o vowel 
structure, o—a and a—a, through which we are led to 62 wes. ‘The items 
63-65 establish yet another stem.* It might be derivable from fohe, 
except for the fact that the h-r mutation nowhere appears in a position 
to be confirmed. In items 66-70 we have another stem from the New 
Guinea region which we can readily establish within its own limits, 
but which it is extremely unlikely has any association with the fohe 
stem. The items 71-73 seem scarcely associable with one another 
and not at all with the stem principally under this examination. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 99 


116. wok boat with outrigger. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 50:24. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 197, 261. 
Codrington, 40:8. Ray, 484:15. Subanu, 150. 


POLYNESIAN. 


vaka Tonga, Futuna, Niué, Uvea, Faka- | wangga Viti. 
ofo, Rapanui, Paumotu, Manga- | wanga Aniwa. 


reva, Marquesas, Mangaia, Ra- | vak Nukumanu. 
rotonga, Manahiki, Tauu, Nu- | va‘a Samoa, Anuda. 
guria, Sikaiana, Nukumanu,] vaa Tahiti, Marquesas. 
Aniwa. waa Hawaii. 
vaga Nuguria. va Liuaniua. 
waka  Sikaiana, Maori, Kapingamarangi. | ak Rotuma. 
MELANESIAN. 
1. vaka Suau, Vaturanga, Ngela,Savo, | 19. wang Lamassa, Lambom, Mimias. 
Bugotu, Nggao, New Geor- | 20. vanga __ Alite. 
gia, Aola. 21. wak Graget. 
2. vako Vokau. 22. wan Tami. 
3. Vago Vokau, Vrinagol. 23. won Jabim, Bukaua. 
4. vak Amge. 24. wam Tavara, Awalama, Taupota. 
5. vaak Malol. 25. wa Wedau, Raga, Kiviri, Oiun, 
6. vudk Sissano. Oleai. 
7. buak Sér. 26. wa Manukwari, Mokmer, Ansus, 
8. waka Suau, Galavi, Boniki, Muka- Wodoi. 
wa. 27. wa Pom, Sirewen, Wuvulu. 
9. waka Tobadi, Ingrau, Entsau. 28. ua Feis. 
10. waga Mugula, Sariba, Tubetube, | 29. wai Saonek, Soron, Mokmer, 
Panaieti, Tagula, Nada, Manukwari. 
Dobu, Kiriwina, Taupoia, | 30. faka Fagani. 
Wedau, Galavi. 31. haka Ulawa, Wango, Saa, Bululaha. 
It. waga Barriai, Kobe, Kilenge, Jam- | 32. hak Abuttimete. 
na, Jenbi, Bo, Bissapu, | 33. aka Maewo, Mota, Duke of York, 
Palabong. Mol6t. 
12. oaga Kabakaul. 34. angga Omba. 
13. wage Ingros, Nakudukudu, Kalil. 35. anggo-—_— King, Kait. 
14. wangga Nakanai, Rook, Vitu, Kondo, | 36. age Mol6t. 
Kambangeriu, Epi, Arag. 37. ak Merlav, Gog, Lakon, Sasar, 
15. Oangga To. Vuras, Mosin, Norbarbar. 
16. woga Pire, Namarodu, Matantu- | 38. ok Pak, Alo Tegel, Motlav. 
duk. 39. ong Volow. 
17. wonga. Kelana. 40. eka Lo. 
18. w6g6 Labur. 41. nak Aweleng. 


Linguistically this series calls for little comment, since the order- 
ing of the material is sufficiently illuminative. The loss of the initial 
consonant observed in 33-40 is found also in Rotuma at the thresh- 
old of Nuclear Polynesia. Despite the anomaly of the initial in 
41 nak, I have included the form because of the occurrence in that 
region of an initial n with somewhat demonstrative value function- 
ing as article. A comparison of the geography of this record with 
that exhibited in the next preceding, also a term of navigation, shows 
that in the New Guinea and Bismarck Archipelago region the vaka 
ship does not extend so widely as the fohe paddle. ‘This is because in 
this region we find a most marked advance in naval construction, which 
has progressed beyond the mere dugout in which stability is based 
entirely on the outrigger and has reached the beginning of ship-build- 
ing in the mon boat, whose stability is secured by its structure. The 
intrusion of this boat has obliterated the common canoe name. 


e 


100 SISSANO. 


CHECK-LIST OF MELANESIAN LANGUAGES. 


The abbreviations employed in this list are used to assign the geographical position of the 
languages roughly. Melanesia appears as Mel. and is subdivided into three regions: the 
southern, Mel. S., includes New Caledonia with the Loyalty Islands and of the southern 
New Hebrides takes in Tanna, Aneityum, and Eromanga; central Melanesia, Mel. C., 
includes the remainder of the New Hebrides with the Banks and Torres groups; northern 
Melanesia, Mel. N., distinguishes the Solomon Islands, including Buka, although there is 
a growing reason to believe that this northernmost island belongs linguistically to the Bis- 
marck Archipelago. ‘The Bismarck Archipelago is similarly subdivided into BA. N. for 
the northern tier of islands from Neu-Hannover through the Admiralty and other groups; 
BA. E. for the eastern region of Neu-Mecklenburg, the Duke of Yorks, and the eastern 
extremity of Neu-Pommern; BA. W. for the western part of Neu-Pommern, beginning at 
Nakanai and including the islands in Dampier-Vitiaz Straits. New Guinea is likewise 
divided into three areas; NG. N. for the whole north coast as far as Huon Gulf opening on 
Dampier Straits; NG. E. for the region from Huon Gulf to the southeastern extremity 
and including the Louisiades and to Dufaure Island on the south coast; NG. S. for the 
south coast west of Dufaure Island and including Torres Straits. 


Abiitiméte BA. W. Bo BA. E. Erakor Mel. C. 
Adaua NG. E. Bogadjim NG. N. Eralado Mel. C. 
Afur NG. N. Bok NG. N. Eromanga Mel. S. 
Agi NG. S. Bol SFA OF 
Agomes BA. N. Bonarua NG. E. Fagani Mel. N. 
Ali NG. N. Bondar BA. E. Fatmilak BA. E. 
Alite Mel. N. Bongu Ng. N. Fauro Mel. N. 
Alo Tegel Mel.C. Boniki NG. E. Fez6a BA. E. 
Alu Mel. N. Brierly Id. NG. E. 
Amara NG. E. Brumer Id. NG. ile. Gaima NG. S. 
Ambrym Mel. C. Buga BA. E. Galavi NG. E. 
Amgé BA. W. Bugi NG. S. Galoma NG. S. 
Aneityum Mel. S. Bugotu Mel. N. Gelik BA. E. 
Anggél NG. N. Btin Mel. N. Girara NG. 8. 
Anir BA. E. Buka Mel. N. Gog Mel. C. 
Ansiis NG. N. Bukaua BA. W. | Gogohé Mel. N. 
Arabule NG. S. Bululaha Mel. N. Gosisi NG. S. 
Arag Mel. C. Buramana NG. N. Gower Mel. N. 
Arifamu NG. E. Burre BA. E. Graget NG. N. 
Ardp NG. N. Burruwe Mel. N. 
Ataiyo NG. E. Hagari NG. S. 
Aua BA. N. Dabu NG. 8. Hamatana Mel. N. 
Awa Mel. N. Dakitr NG. N. Hamba BA. E. 
Awalama NG. E. Daui NG. E. Hanahan Mel. N. 
Awéléng BA. W. Dérpiiap NG. N. Hinsal BA. E. 
Ayo BA. W. Dobu NG. E. Hitau Mel. N. 
Domara NG. E. Hula NG. 8. 
Bagail BA. E. Doura NG. S. 
Baining BA. E. Duauru Mel. S. Iapa Mel. N. 
Baki Mel. C. Duke of York BA. E. Ingrau NG. N. 
Balade Mel. S. Dungerwab NG. S. Ingrds NG. N. 
Bangu NG. S. Dyaul BA. E. Iworo NG. S. 
Barriai BA. W. 
Bauung BAC &. Efaté Mel. C. Jabim BA. W. 
Bawaipa NG. N. Ehanu BA. E. Jambiie NG. N. 
Belaga Mel. N. Eitapé NG. N. Jamna NG. N. 
Bélik BA. E. Elema NG. S. Tenbi NG. N. 
Bem NG. N. Eluaue BA. N. Jibu NG. S. 
Berepo NG. E. Emirau BA. N. Joétafa NG. N. 
Bierian Mel. C. Emsau BA. N. Tio NG. N. 
Bilibili NG. N. Entsau NG. N. 
Binandele NG. E. Epi Mel. C. Kabadi NG. S. 
Bisapu BA. E. Epiil BA. E. Kabakaul BA. E. 


MELANESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 


Kabine 
Kaip 
Kairiru 
Kait 

Kalil 
Kambangeriu 
Kambotorés 
Kamkabang 
Kaniet 
Karau 
Karkar 
Katatar 
Katéndan 
Kaup 
Kavu 
Kawiéng 
Keakalo 
Keapara 
Kelana 
Kerepunu 
Kériiar 
Keule 
Kilenge 
King 
Kiriwina 
Kitawa 
Kiviri 
Kiwai 
Kobe 

Kofi 
Koiari 
Koita 
Kokila 
Koko 
Kokola 
Koliku 
Komalabu 
Komalt 
Kondo 
Kopar 
Kopoam 
Koromira 
KOdtai 
Kowamerara 
Kubiri 
Kitiménim 
Kung 
Kunini 
Kwagila 
Kwamera 


Labtr 
Lakon 
Lakurefanga 
Lakdrumau 
Lamaéssa 
Lamban 
Lambell 
Lambém 
Lambt 
Lambusso 
Lampet 
Lamussong 
Langanie 
Langtub 
LAssu 
Lauan 


NG. 


N. 


DODO NNOd pnodyade oes does eZ 


Laur 
Laurup 
Lehona 
Leitere 
Lemakot 
Lemiismtis 
Léng 
Leon 
Lepu 
Letatan 
Léiit 
Liapari 
Liba 
Lifu 
Lihir 
Likiliki 
Limba 


Mabt 
Mabuiag 
Maewo 
Magara 
Mahaga 
Mahtr 
Maiari 
Mailu 
Maisin 
Mait 
Maiva 
Makura 
Male 
Malekula 
Maleu 
Mali 

Malo 
Malol 
Mamau 
Manam 
Mangiit 
Manikam 
Manukolu 
Manitkwari 
Maragum 
Maramasiki 
Mare 
Marina 
Massait 
Matangkor 
Matantuduk 
Matupi 
Mawata 
Mekeo 
Mengen 
Merlav 
Mési 
Milareipi 
Mimias 
Mioko 


BA. E. 
BA. E. 


Mel. N. 
NG. N. 


BA. E. 


Miriam 
Misima 
Moaniis 
Mokmér 
Moldét 
Mono 
Moptie 
Morobe 
Mosin 
Mota 
Motlav 
Motu 
Motk 
Mugén 
Mugula 
Mukawa 
Mulaha 
Muliama 
Munuwai 
Murapa 
Murare 
Murik 
Murua 
Miuschu 


Nada 
Nakanai 
Naktidukiidu 
Nakukur 
Namaroédu 
Namatu 
Nasioi 
Naviliag 
Nayama 
Ndai 
Ndeni 
Nékété 
Nemassalang 
Neneba 
Nengone 
Nerokwag 
Ngamat 
Ngao 
Ngatta 
Negela 
Ngolhon 
Nguna 
Nifilole 
Nissan 
Nodup 
Nogogu 
Nokon 
Nonapai 
Norbarbar 
Nori 
Nowau 
Numantima 
Numerat 
Nupanob 
Nusalik 


Oiun 
Omba 


Paama 
Paidga 
Pak 


102 


Pak 

Pala “ 
Palabong 
Panaieti 


Panakéndo 


Panaras 
Panemégo 
Pangkumu 
Pante 
Paup 
Petat 

Pire 
Pisirami 
Pokau 
Pom 
Popdko 
Popolo 
Pororan 
Punam 
Pit 
Qatvenua 


Ragetta 
Raluana 
Ra‘na 
Raqa 
Ratawul 
Réboine 
Retan 
Rogea 
Rook 
Roro 
Rubi 
Rubiana 
Rubrub 
Rukumbu 


Saa 

Sali 
Sambuari 
Sadnék 


Siar 
Siassi 


ive) 
2A2Z04Z2zZzZ0NzzRBe oAZz! 


SISSANO. 
Sigab BA. E 
Sikube NG. S. 
Simbéri BA. E. 
Simbo Mel. N. 
Sinaugoro NG. S. 
Siréwén NG. N. 
Sissano NG. N. 
Sé6a Mel. N. 
Sogeri NG. S. 
Sorong NG. N. 
Suau NG. N. 
Suen NG. N. 
Sulka BA. E. 
Suku NG. S. 
Sungumana NG.N. 
Stralil BA. E. 
Tabar BA. E. 
Tagota NG. S. 
Tagula NG. E. 
Tami NG. N. 
Tandis BA. E. 
Tanga BA. E. 
Tangoan Mel. C. 
Tanna Mel. S. 
Tarawai NG. N. 
Tasiko Mel. C. 
Tasimboko Mel. N. 
Tatau BA. E. 
Taui BA. N. 
Taupota NG. E. 
Tavara NG. E. 
Tawambossi BA. E. 
Tegarot BA. N. 
Teperoi Mel. N. 
Thaé NG. N. 
Tiob Mel. N. 
Tisasi Mel. N. 
To BA. E. 
Toaripi NG. S. 
Tobadi NG. N. 
Toboroi Mel. N. 
Tongoa Mel. C. 
Topiméda BA. E. 
Tsemalu BA. E. 
Tsoi BAYES 
Tubetube NG. E. 
Tugeri NG. S. 
Tumleo NG. N. 
Tumu NG. 8S. 
Tumuip BA. E 


Uaripi 
Uatom 
Uberi 

Ugi 

Ulawa 
Umb6a 
Umré 
Ungachtim 
Ungalik 
Uni : 


Valis 
Valman 
Vanikoro 
Vatai 
Vaturanga 
Vella Lavella 
Vitu 
Vokau 
Volow 
Vrinagol 
Vunaptits 
Vunmarara 
Vuras 


Wagipa 
Waigeu 
Waima 
Wamea 
Wamira 
Wango 
Wanimo 
Waremo 
Wari 
Watpi 
Weasisi 
Wedau 
Wwéei 
Wogéo 
Wooi 
Wuong 
Wiutung 
Wuvulu 


Yako 
Yakomitl 
Yela 
Yengin 
Yoda 


CHAPTER V. 
INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 


The individual items brought under study in this chapter are to 
a certain extent continuous with the items of the same distinguishing 
number in the preceding collation of material. Those already familiar 
with the progress of these studies of the element of speech common 
to Polynesia, Melanesia, and Indonesia, or to various pairs of these 
three hypothetical language groups, will recognize the object of 
convenience sought to be obtained by segregating the Indonesian 
word material from the Melanesian in the examination of sources of 
origin and possible tracks of folk movement deducible therefrom. 
We continue the assumption that the Polynesian languages have 
existed more or less diffusely in Indonesia; that they have been carried, 
at least in the earlier or Proto-Samoan migration, through Melanesia, 
and have there left traces persisting as loan material within the body 
of different languages of that island region. In the preceding chapter 
we have examined the Sissano in this connection. To the support 
of this assumption, which as a hypothesis is certainly workable, we 
have amassed in earlier works of this series a considerable body of 
data which is for the most part confirmatory. 

On this assumption we continue to regard the Polynesian element 
yet traceable in various languages of Indonesia as a persistence of 
Polynesian not wholly expelled by the onward movement of the 
Malayan folk of a somewhat higher order of cultural attainment. 
We regard the persistence of Polynesian in Indonesian as differently 
conditioned from the recognizable presence of the same element in 
Melanesia. In the progress of Polynesian migrants expelled from 
the Asiatic island region they would appear as a superior race to the 
peoples of Melanesia whom they encountered on their generally 
southeastern way; they would be impressing new thoughts and new 
speech from above downward. Quite the opposite was the case in 
Indonesia. There the Malayans were the superior folk; they had 
reached the age of the smiths and the websters; they were the victors 
in combat; the persistence of Polynesian material was due to the 
retention in domestic servitude of women taken captive; the speech 
element came from below upward and was shaped to the might of the 
conquerors as a thing despised. 

The several items in this chapter add to the material in the preced- 
ing chapter the discussion of the Indonesian element necessary for 
the more complete discussion of the problems involved. In this case 
it is not necessary to repeat the citation of authorities, for that has 
been sufficiently dealt with before. 


103 


104 SISSANO. 


. I. ai wood. 
73. kayu) Malay, Baju. 80. aow’ Buru Alfuro. 
74. kaju) Tombulu. 81. hazo Malagasy. 
75. kayao Bontoc Igorot. 82. kai Tombulu, Teor. 
76. gayo Subanu. 83. ai Bahasa. 
77. cahoy Subanu, Visayan. 84. ai-ie Ceram Alfuro. 
78. kau Buru Alfuro. 85. ail Bahasa. 


79. kao Buru Alfuro. 


Here also we find the three stems which have been distinguished in 
all our former inquisition into this vocable. ‘These are ai (82-85), 
au (73-80), asu (81). We have noted that stem ai is numerically the 
most frequent in New Guinea and Melanesia; in Indonesia we find 
but four occurrences of its use, three in the eastern subdivision close 
to the northwestern tip of New Guinea, and Tombulu not far remote 
in Celebes; in the area of Polynesian settlement it occurs only in Fiji 
and Rotuma. ‘This material adds nothing to the comprehension of 
the position of the asu stem; 81 hazo, of which we note a variant hazu, 
approximates 44 kasu and 45 gazu and in the initial aspiration cor- 
responds with 46 hasie; it is possible that 77 cahoy from the southern 
Philippines is associable with this stem, for thus can we better account 
for the presence of the inner aspirate as a mutation product of the 
sibilant, and from the fact that this is common to Subanu and Visayan 
we may regard it as later than the Subanu 76 gayo. In the paucity 
of the material we can do no more than to note the sporadic char- 
acter of the occurrence of the stem, Madagascar, Philippines, Solomon 
Islands, New Hebrides, a single instance in each particular locus, and 
(47-49) two very doubtful instances on the Torres Straits shore of 
New Guinea. ‘The austem appears unmistakably in the three citations 
(78-80) from the Alfuro of Buru, and is there observed in the nude 
form (80), but also with the modulant k, which is largely found in 
the New Hebrides and is the dominant form in Polynesia. ‘The 
group involving the semivowel y in the interior position (73-77) seems 
best associable with au, in which case we regard the semivowel as no 
more than a light septum phonated in consequence of the recognized 
need of preventing the coalescence of u with the preceding a; if, on the 
other hand, the phonetic value of the semivowel is regarded as vocalic, 
we should have the suggestion of a connection with stem ai seriously 
complicated by the problem of explaining the final vowel or vowels. 
If these forms are regarded as part of the au stem we shall set apart 
this stem in the same dominant position in Indonesia as in Polynesia. 


4. ain to eat. 


43. cana Subanu. 51. caon Visayan. 
44. kane Bahasa. 52. ijénan Massaratty. 
45. mo-konie Togean. 53. anee Ceram. 

46. kan Tontemboan. 54. ane Bahasa. 
47. ma-kan Malay, Bontoc Igorot. 55. niane Ceram. 

48. mangan  Bontoc Igorot. 56. en Ceram. 

49. kaan Ceram-Bonfia. 57. aa Bahasa. 


50. gaan Subanu, Solor. 58. a Bahasa. 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 105 


The stem ai which prevails in Polynesia, which in the Melanesian 
area appears only in a small group of languages in Torres Straits, 
is wholly lacking to this showing of Indonesian material. 

The several forms here included fall within the scheme of the ani 
stem, which we have seen to dominate Melanesia and to come within 
the Polynesian language circle only in Fiji. They adjust themselves 
to the diagram scheme of this stem, as already set forth with certain 
lacune here indicated by the use of parentheses and with two addi- 
tions to what has been observed in Melanesia. The references to 
type forms are made clear by the employment of the serial numbers. 


ani (54) (ana) an (56) a (58) 
kani (44) kana (43) kan (46) 

(gani) gana (48) gan (50) 

(hani) (hana) (han) 


In the discussion of the Melanesian material we found occasion to 
note that the nude form ani is by far the most frequent form in Torres 
Straits. This ani, and demolition forms (53-58), in Indonesia is 
characteristic of that group of islands which I have provisionally set 
apart as eastern Indonesia. They lie close to the western shore of 
New Guinea in a somewhat doubtful position in relation to migration 
tracks. In the common condition of coastal voyaging, namely, the 
establishment of the track from headland to headland by eyeshot, a 
canoe party from these islands might just as readily go north as go south 
when the New Guinea coast rose into view. If north we should look 
for traces of their passage on the north shore of that island, if south 
we should expect to pick up their memorials in Torres Straits. Here 
we have both: Subanu ain is of the an type, a single instance of the 
discovery of the nude stem along the northern route if we include 
therewith Ninigo; the Torres Straits group of languages is crowded 
with examples of thisstem. The form with palatal preface is discov- 
ered in two cases in this eastern group, 44 kane and 49 kaan. ‘The 
other occurrences are to be classed as western (47), central (45-46), and 
northern (43, 47-48, 50-51). 


8. 4n6 family house. 
46. banua Malay, Bicol, Celebes Alfuro. | 51. bonoa  Subanu. 


47. benua Malay, Togean 52. bena Amblaw. 

48. vanua_Celebes Alfuro. 53. pena Ceram. 

49. wanua_ Bugis. 54. fena Buru. 

50. banoa Visayan. 55. hena Bahasa, Ceram. 


The ten forms fall immediately into two groups, each consistent 
within its own lines. ‘The former group (46-51) lies within the scheme 
of the common vocable, labial + vowel + nua, except that in Visayan 
and Subanu we note vowel change in the final element; in fact, allowing 
for yet another simple vowel change in 51 bonoa, this group falls within 
the scheme of labial-+-anua. The Alfuro 48 vanua reappears in Fiji 
within the Polynesian area and is widely spread throughout Melanesia 


106 SISSANO. 


in the New Hebrides, the Solomons, and Torres Straits. The Malay 
47 benua is characteristic of the Polynesian at large, but apparently 
it is not critical in the establishment of Tongafiti or Proto-Samoan 
provenience. ‘The forms in b are characteristic of the most advanced 
languages of Indonesia, wholly lacking in Polynesia, and somewhat 
infrequent in Melanesia. The Bugis 49 wanua occurs only in the 
Duke of York (12), but the employment of the labial semivowel is 
exhibited in the Maori and Bukabuka whenua. ‘The mutation of the 
former vowel of the putative stem anua exhibited in 51 bonoa recurs 
only in the small Melanesian group 8-11 and possibly in a degradation 
group of forms in 25-27, 32-33. [he other two language provinces 
yield us no parallel for the Philippine forms in -noa, but the move- 
ment may exist in 9-11, 13, 43, and 45. ‘This group of standard forms 
is extended over western, central, and northern Indonesia. The second 
group of forms (52—-55) entails the reduction of -nua, to -na, and this 
change is accompanied throughout by e as the former vowel. As 
already stated, the only method by which we can comprehend this 
alteration is to regard -nu as a new stem established by abrasion 
and then subjected to vocalic mutation of u. A list of such mutant 
forms has already been presented; here we have to do with -na, which 
occurs in 30 and 33. None of the forms in this group is exactly found 
in Melanesia, but we note that the group is narrowly restricted to 
eastern Indonesia. | 


10. ar pandanus. 


26. pandan = Malay. 28. panrang Bugis. 
27. pandang Macassar. 


These three forms are distinctive of the Indonesian treatment of 
the archetypal stem faran and are quite congruent inter se. ‘The 
mutation n-ng has come frequently under our notice in the course of 
these examinations. The Bugis is generally of a more primitive type 
than the present standard of the Malay and remains considerably 
closer to the Polynesian originalin such loan material. In this instance 
it gives us the introduction of the support of the preface of the nasal 
of the same series as expressive of some slight difficulty in reproducing 
the distinctive r of faran; the same preface continues through the 
Malay and Macassar effort to compass the stronger liquid, and in 
these two instances the effort has resulted in the leap from the easiest 
phonation of the labial series to the mute at the other extreme, a 
linguistic principle upon which we have already commented at length. 


II. arau sun. 


14. alo Celebes Alfuro, Napu. 19. lear Kei, Banda. 
15. alu Celebes Alfuro. 20. lea Massaratty. 
16. endo Celebes Alfuro. 21. leamata Bahasa. 
17. lara Aru (Wokau). 22. riamatai Bahasa. 


18. laor Aru (Udjir). 23. lean Celebes Alfuro. 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 107 


We have hitherto noted that the alo stem fails to reach the Poly- 
nesian languages of the present, but we must regard it as certain that 
this stem was included in the speech of migrants out of Indonesia 
for some distance along the track followed by a Polynesian swarm. 
In the Melanesian collation we find the stem unmistakably in the 
New Hebrides, along Torres Straits, in the Dampier-Vitiaz Straits, 
in the northern Bismarck Archipelago, and probably in the Arop-Sér 
lagoons on the north coast of New Guinea. In Indonesia the alo 
stem is clearly recognizable only among the Alfuros of northern 
Celebes. Concurrently with a clear alo runs a stem which in its 
simplest form appears as lea of Massaratty, and with a nasal suffix 
of some sort, as lean, this enters the alo region of Celebes. In the 
two Bahasa forms leamata and riamatai we encounter a second sun 
word of the type form mata which is of wide occurrence in the Indo- 
nesian family, its presence in determinant compaction with this lea 
and with other stems showing that neither lea nor the others carried 
the specific sun sense with sufficient strength to survive in all cases. 
We are unable to establish any community of source for lea and alo; 
furthermore, we can not establish either as having the same origin as 
the general Polynesian la; the only element common to the three is 
the liquid consonant, and this single point of agreement is far too 
slender to serve as a link. For the alo forms we have no difficulty 
in setting forth a migration track from northern central Indonesia 
along the north coast of New Guinea, on a course offshore from that 
island to the northern members of the Bismarck Archipelago, on a 
course alongshore through the Dampier-Vitiaz exit, and by reverse 
coastwise sailing to the south shore of New Guinea and by remoter 
voyaging to a yet more distant landfall in the New Hebrides on the 
course which I have proposed as the Viti stream. ‘The lea stem is 
found in the eastern division of Indonesia in a position which might 
lead to transmission along either course about New Guinea. 


12. at stone. 


60. fatu) Massaratty. 65. watu) Magindano, Savo, Maronene, 
61. fahou Satawal. Kolon, Kei, Banda, Celebes 
62. vato Malagasy. Alfuro. 


63. batu) Malay, Kayan, Silong, Macas- | 66. wadu Bima. 
sar, Togean, Ceram, Rumbia, | 67. hatu Ceram. 
Mengkoka, Bouton, Bahasa, | 68. hatul Bahasa. 
Celebes Alfuro. 69. haul Bahasa. 
64. bato Ilocano, Subanu, Visayan, Bon- 
toc Igorot. 


We observe here the remarkable closeness with which the Indo- 
nesian forms cling to the Polynesian original; indeed, there is far less 
variety than has been observed in the intricacies of Melanesian speech. 
Bahasa 68 hatul offers an assumed consonant for which we find else- 
where no parallel. The form is important, however, for it establishes 


108 SISSANO. 

n this stem the variant in the same speech 69 haul. The evanescence 
of the mute under the protection of an interior position is anomalous, 
but this clear instance serves in explication of the Melanesian forms 
which have undergone the same loss (45-51). These forms are equally 
divided between the southern Solomons and Torres Straits, and for 
whatsoever value it may possess we note that the Indonesian instance 
derives from the extreme east of that region and convenient to the 
southern exit. 


14. atin dog. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 57:70, 104 a. Deutsch Neu-Guinea, 


190, 205:51, 216, 219. Ray, 396:36, 487:36. 


MELANESIAN. 

1. kau Ngela, Anudha. I5. gaune Kilenge, Maleu. 
2. kaua Barriai, Geelvink Bay, 16. g’one Manukolo 

Tami, Vitu, Roro, Ka- | 17. ngaun Graget. 

badi. 18. kaptina Limba, Langanie. 
3. kauwa Kobe, Vitu, Barriai. 19. kaptiiné Kowamerara, Sigab, Liki- 
4. kauwek New Hanover. liki. 
5. kauuku Murua. 20. mi-kop6n Tatau. 
6. kauna Nayama-Panaras. 21. kapul Lambom. 
7. kaunod ‘Tobadi. 22. gabun Kelana, Rook. 
8. kawuna Lobo. 23. baun Bogadjim. 
9. koung Tami. 24. haun Suein. 
10. kénye Ingros, Entsau. 25. atin Sissano, Arop, Tumleo, 
11. kanua Rotuma. Seleo, Paup, Yakomul. 
12. gaun Siar, Ragetta, Langtub, | 26. awuna Namatote. 

Bilibili, Szeak-Bagili, | 27. wona Ansus, Wandamen. 

Karkar. 28. auwou Wedau. 
13. gaon Siassi. 29. bwauwa_ Tubetube. 
14. gawun Siassi. 

INDONESIAN. 

30. kafuna East Ceram. 37. kaho Tobelo. 
31. affina Watu Bela. 38. asu Old Java, Sanguir. 
32. apula Gorontalo. 39. assu Ceram. 
33. kapuna Bentenan, Siau. 40. wasua Ceram. 3 
34. kauna Halmaheira. 41. jassu Ceram. 
35. kaso Halmaheira. 42. ahu Sikka. 
36. kasu Galela. 43. aho Halmaheira. 


Nowhere in this collocation do we find anything which suggests 
the common Polynesian kuli dog stem, very little which seems associ- 
able with any stem in the eastern languages which might apply to 
the dog. In the Indonesian material we discover two or perhaps three 
stems which appear to maintain independent existence; these are in 
type form afuna, auna, and asu. 

Stem asu—The variety in the treatment of this stem is very slight 
and the several forms depart in the least degree from the type. The 
final vowel undergoes modification to o in 43 aho, 35 kaso, and 37 
kaho. ‘The central s remains unchanged, except for the frequent and 
readily comprehended substitution of aspiration for sibilant in 42 ahu, 
43 aho, 37 kaho. A tendency toward the assumption of a consonant 
preface becomes apparent in the initial semivowel in the Ceram forms 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 109 


40 wasua and 41 jassu, and reaches its limit in the initial palatal 
mute k in 35-37. In 40 wasua the assumption of a final vowel is 
not matched in any other use of this stem. The stem asu is not 
traceable in our Melanesian material, except in so far as we might seek 
to establish a devolution series in the form asu-ahu-au; but this direc- 
tion of variety is quite unlikely, as I shall show in its proper place. 
We must not neglect to point out that in Viti oso to bark we have 
the designation of one of the dog’s faithful activities which closely 
resembles this stem, although the Melanesian gap is as yet unbridged. 

Stem afuna.—The characteristic form of this stem consists of the 
vowel succession a-u with or without an initial palatal mute, but 
invariably parted by one of the labials. This preface may be k as in 
30, 33, 18, 19, 20, 21; g asin 22: or the nude stem asin 31 and 32. ‘The 
labial which we establish as critical of this stem may be f as in 30 and 
31; p as in 32-33, 18-21; or b asin 22. It is quite possible that this 
labial septum is represented not only by the spirant and the mute, 
but by the semi-vowel adjacent to the labial series, w. With this 
employment of w as a resultant product of the labial inefficiency we 
have already become quite familiar, and the resemblances of semi- 
vocalic forms with purely consonantal forms are clearly shown, 8 
kawuna with 30 kafuna, 14 gawun with 22 gabun, 26 awuna and 27 wona 
with 31 affna. The stem in Indonesia and largely throughout Mela- 
nesia is trisyllabic, the final syllable being for the most part -na, the 
consonant has undergone mutation n-l in 32 apula and 21 kapul, a muta- 
tion supported by an abundance of established instances; the final 
vowel a mutates to e in 19 kapiné, and has undergone abrasion in 
14 gawun, 20 kopon, 21 kapul, and 22 gabun. 

Stem auna.—Here we enter upon the intricacies of the origin of this 
series of dog words. In the consideration of the stem afuna we have 
carried the series from the employment of the strong labial mute through 
the spirant down to the semi-vowel. Regarded solely as an academic 
problem in phonetics, we may quite as readily proceed to the next 
step, the weakening of the labial already debilitated to w, and find 
the last stage in auna, which preserves the characteristic vowel pair 
a-u and the specific consonant of the final syllable. On this hypo- 
thesis we should from 8 kawuna derive 34 and 6 kauna and with a 
recognized vowel change 7 kaunéd and under abrasion from kauna to 
kaun (not found) we should reach 9 koung; similarly from 14 gawun 
developed by abrasion from gawuna (not found) we should derive 15 
gaune and therewith include as a degradation form 16 g’one and from 
gawun direct 12 gaun, 13 gaon, and, with mutation of the initial con- 
sonant, 17 ngaun. In like manner 26 awuna through an as yet undis- 
covered awun should direct us to 25 aun. Still regarding the n as 
critical, we are left with a few forms which seem associable with this 
stem, yet which are somewhat anomalous: 24 haun may be under- 


110 SISSANO. 


stood as an aspiration of 25 atin but the assumption of an initial labial 
in 23 baun does not comport with the recorded history of this group 
of stems; 11 kanua may be linked with 34 and 6 kauna, for we find 
the speech of Rotuma to be strongly characterized by metathesis, 
which in this case would take the form of the transfer of the initial n 
of the syllable na to a new position as initial of the syllable u, a meta- 
thesis included in my discussion of this mutation method (Easter 
Island, 29); 10 kénye has resemblance to kanua, it may be that such 
metathesis has been effective in Ingros and Entsau at the entrance 
into Melanesia as in Rotuma at the distant exit therefrom. 

In the examination of the stems afuna and auna, which are possibly 
but a single stem, we have passed under review all the forms which are 
characterized by the vowel pair a-u associated with a succeeding n. 
Now we consider residual forms which preserve the a-u but lack the 
nasal element. As a formal exercise, probably a mere juggling with 
phonetic rules, we should start from kaun postulated as a product of 
34 and 6 kauna, though not recorded, and through the principle of 
final abrasion develop 1 kau. We might deal with 2 kaua as a weaken- 
ing of 8 kawuna by loss of the nasal, but the history of the stems pro- 
vides us no instance of such weakening and in general it must be 
regarded as highly anomalous. It is easier to regard the final a of 
kaua as an assumption which in turn has picked up the semivowel 
preface exhibited in 3-4 and 28-29. In 4 kauwek we should have no 
difficulty in comprehending the assumption of a final k, for that is 
not an infrequent occurrence in several Melanesian tongues; the uku 
of 5 kauuku may be associable herewith, or it may be a distinct stem 
gathered up in order to give precision to the diffuse signification of 
kau, that is to say, a determinant compound has been formed. 

In this discussion reference has been made more than once to an 
academic problem of phonetics, and in so far as this term may seem 
to cast a shadow of doubt over the course of the argument, it will be 
held to have served the end which it was employed. To a certain, 
in fact to a very large, extent all problems of phonetics are academic; 
from amassed facts of observation it is proper to deduce rules which 
may be held to govern the usage of any speech. Here we mention 
Grimm’s law. It may properly be impleaded in the trial of any of 
the linguistic possessions of the Indo-European languages, for it is 
the resultant of innumerable instances carefully codified and made 
applicable. But the validity of Grimm’s law does not in itself estab- 
lish the equal validity of other phonetic laws which seem to derive 
from a linguistic group of far different constitution. Because Grimm’s 
law holds for Indo-European speech it does not necessarily follow 
that in these primitive tongues of Melanesia and the but slightly 
advanced tongues of Indonesia we shall find inherent validity in a 
law of progressive devolution. In the foregoing examination of this 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 111 


material we seem to have followed a law of progressive devolution 
in accordance with which we have found ourselves passing from a 
higher, because more complex and more completely developed, form 
by successive stages of debilitation of the strong consonant to its 
weaker congener, eventually of reduction of consonant strength of 
whatever degree to semivowel weakness, and finally to extinction; 
and side by side with this process runs the attrition of the final vowel 
and at last of the newly become final consonant. ‘Thus, along strictly 
academic lines, wherein we postulate the validity of the rules which 
we create, we present the chain of devolution from kafuna to kau. 

In phonetics we have been trained so long in the study of the break- 
ing down of forms from the higher to the lower, progressive deformity, 
that we rest under the obsession of regarding our phonetic laws as 
invariable in their operation in that direction solely. In this group 
of languages it is becoming more and more clear that we have to do 
with evolution rather than devolution, that all growth is progress, that 
the motion is from below upward, in form from the simple to the com- 
plex, in sense from the broad and diffuse to the particular and precise. 
In this view of the situation there is no reason why we should not invert 
the foregoing series and present the evolution from kau to kafuna. 
It will be objected that we have no knowledge of laws governing the 
assumption of formative elements. Quite true; but that is not essen- 
tially objectionable. Weshould the rather rejoice in the opportunity 
to carry out in vivid and growing material the observations which 
afford us at some more advanced stage the opportunity of formu- 
lating the laws deducible from these observed phenomena. Further- 
more, we must never lose sight of the fact that in any living speech 
the law is secondary, it is but the average of fallible criticism of what 
is observed; supreme above the law lies the life of the speech and the 
will of the folk who use it for the communication of their thought. 

Without as yet attempting to assert the law of growth by assump- 
tion, let us examine the kau stem as the beginning rather than as the 
end product. For convenience we repeat the items which now come 
under review: 


1. kau. 3. kauwa. 5. kauuku. 28. auwou. 
2. kaua. 4. kauwek. 29. bwauwa. 


In 28 and 29 we find ourselves close to the ultimate of simplicity, 
an unprefaced stem au. Likewise we find ourselves close to the voice 
of the dog; we have to face the suggestion of onomatopoetic speech. 
It must be acknowledged that onomatopoeia has at times been over- 
worked in the theory of speech beginning; at other times it has been 
denied with somewhat too much of insistence, the truth being that 
each case in which it is sought to employ this principle must be judged 
independently on its own merits. 


BEEZ SISSANO. 


Here we have a case which seems unmistakable. A stem au repro- 
duces as well as may be in human speech the voice of the barking 
dog, and because the dog’s bark is insistent, repetitive, we shall designate 
this familiar domestic tone by duplication as au-au. Now, those of 
us who do not take Mrs. General’s pains to prune and prism our enun- 
ciation—certainly those who employ the primitive speech of the child- 
hood of advanced culture, and equally those who as primitives in cul- 
ture employ a speech altogether under the childish rule—find that the 
enunciation of au-au by reason of the vowel strength becomes auwau 
This is clearly the form which we have listed as 28 auwou. 

In our own speech the name of the voice of the dog is bowwow. 
We are well instructed that no animal short of human elevation is 
able to employ consonants; even among men we see in these studies 
that not all of them have attained to facility in the use of the lips in 
speech. We can certify ourselves that no dog can frame the labial b, 
yet in reproducing the character of his voice we employ the labial to 
represent something which our ear mistakes for consonant, an appulse. 
Elsewhere I have been sedulous (Subanu, 68) in dealing with this 
principle; I have defined it as the initial of all sound, the beginning 
of the characteristic vibration from a state of rest. Loosely we 
employ bowwow; any person curious in such matters who will practise 
the phonation of au-au with a strong initial movement of the dia- 
phragm will see for himself that it is possible to reproduce the appulse 
without any suggestion of the labial; but as we lack any alphabetic 
or diacritical character which shall give the direction to make a strong 
movement of the diaphragm, it has been found convenient to approxi- 
mate this result by employing the labial initial. In our present 
material we find this labial in 29 bwauwa. 

As between dog and dog we have not taken general pains to dif- 
ferentiate the voice in any marked degree, although we do preserve a 
distinction between the bay of the mastiff and other bass dogs and the 
yap of the tenor terriers. In bowwow the b and the w interpret an 
appulse which may best be rendered by labial expression. In yap 
we find a semivocalic interpretation of a less-prolonged appulse which 
may best be interpreted by palatal expression. ‘That this appulse 
attains the k value is indicated by two words, kiyi (kaiyai) which has 
been allowed to occupy a grudging position in the dictionaries, and 
kiyoodle (kaiyudl), which exists in speech below the dictionary plane. 
It is not in the least improbable that the same palatal type of appulse 
exists in coyote (kaiyote) from the Mexican coyotl. From material 
familiar to our own speech system we have established the k value of 
the appulse; therefore we need have no hesitation in the appulse in- 
terpretation of the assumed initial in the kau series. 

Adriani and Friederici affirm with positiveness that kau and asu can 
by no means be associated. I am not prepared to contravene their 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 113 


decision, yet it is by no means impossible that asu or ahu may repre- 
sent a development stage of the primordial onomatopoetic au. 

We find the word for a dog in these languages to have developed 
out of the sound of the dog’s bark; in other words, these peoples in 
the childhood of common culture, employ the same term as the begin- 
ning speakers in childhood of an advanced culture stage; children here 
and adults there, alike, call the dog bowwow. We have observed that 
in Polynesian culture the dog has a name derived from some other 
source; none the less the bowwow persists; even if not employed to 
name the barking animal it designates his bark; thus Samoa du, 
Maori ao, Hawaii and Tahiti aoa, all signifying to bark. 


17. bal (man-bal) pigeon. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 138. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 201. 


INDONESIAN. 
45. balod Visayan. 
MICRONESIAN. 
46. paluch Ponape. 48. bolochdl Palau. 
47. baluk  Satawal. 
POLYNESIAN. 
49. lupe Samoa, Niué, Futuna, Uvea, | 52. ruve Viti. 
Sikaiana, Hawaii. 53. rape Marquesas. 
50. lube Tonga, Vanikoro. 54. na-lopa Aneityum. 
51. rupe Maori, Tahiti, Rarotonga, | 55. upe Marquesas. 
Nuguria, Mota. 56. rube Gilberts. 


Attention has already been directed upon the fact that the habitat 
of this balus form is narrowly restricted to the Bismarck Archipelago 
and to a certain stretch of the northern coast of New Guinea. The 
sole occurrence of the type of which we have any record in the Indo- 
nesian area is confined to the Visayan of the southern Philippines, a 
region immediately proximate to the New Guinea and Bismarck 
Archipelago area of occurrence. Without adventuring upon the little- 
studied problem of the relation of Micronesia to the other subdivisions 
of Pacific ethnography, we observe that in the Palaus and Carolines 
we find a somewhat clear indication of intercourse with the southern 
Philippines. I have appended the series of affiliates of the general 
Polynesian word for pigeon and have therewith included from Mela- 
nesia Vanikoro, Mota, and Aneityum, from Micronesia the Gilbert 
Islands. It is necessary to use caution in establishing affiliation in 
these groups of languages whose structural laws we are but beginning 
to explore; yet we know that metathesis is of great frequency in the 
speech of the Pacific. With this note of caution it is suggested that 
lupe preserves the early stem, which may have been lupes, for the 
modern disposition of the Polynesian to the open form would account 


114 SISSANO. 


for the attrition of the final sibilant and the nature of the word as a 
noun substantive precludes the possibility of the preservation of a 
final consonant through the employment of protective suffixes. Con- 
siderable support of the suggestion that balus is metathetic upon lupe 
derives from the fact that in Indonesia, Micronesia, and Melanesia 
the range of balus is so narrow that all the occurrences might have 
come from a single source. In the comparison of languages we have 
had many occasions to observe the establishment of new types per 
metathesin; in the use of any one of the Polynesian languages the ear 
is struck by the frequency of metathesis. Therefore it strains no 
probability to suppose that from some primitive Polynesian source 
some Indonesian derived the metathetic form—accepted it as a base 
and then gave it new currency within the range of wandering covered 
in his raids. 


18a. béi flying fox. 


11. cala-biang Tagal. 12. bauk Rotti. 13. baii Timor. 


In the Tagal form Friederici postulates the identity of cala with 
Javanese kalang and then links the biang element with the peka stem 
through the Barriai bianga. In the paucity of Indonesian material 
we may venture no further than the recognition of the general simi- 
larity as pointing to possible derivation from a common source. 


24. bor boat without outrigger. 
7. prahu Malay. 8. prahai Banda, Ambon. 9. parao Tagal. 


These forms are included for comparison with the much-worn words 
of New Guinea and the Bismarck Archipelago. It is possible that 
they associate with the common Polynesian folau. 


26. bul moon. 


43. bulan Malay, Salayer, Ilocano, | 60. funan Timor. 
Subanu. 61. fiya Togean. 
44. bolan Visayan. 62. flan Bontoc Igorot. 
45. bulang  ‘Tringanu. 63. volana Malagasy. 
46. bulrang Menado. 64. wulan Gilolo, Solor, Java, Mata- 
47. bulani Kayeli. bello. 
48. bula Kaili, Bouton. 65. wulani Caimarian. 
49. bular Amblaw. 66. wura Bima, Bolanghitam. 
50. buran Ceram, Sanguir. 67. wuan Gah. 
51. burang  Solor, Salibabo. 68. hulan Morella, Wahai. 
52. bulam Molucca. 69. hulani Batumerah. 
53. balan Baju. 70. hulanita Liang. 
54. fulan Aru. 71. huran Ceram. 
55. fhalan Wayapo, Massaratty. 72. haran Lariko. 
56. phulan Saparua, Ahtiago, Tobo, |} 73. ulan Magindano. 
Teor. 74. ulang Kisa. 
57. pPhulani Awaiya. 75. ulano Ceram. 
58. fula Rotti. 76. O’ra Tidore. 


59. furan Lobo. 77. 0'sa Galela. 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 115 


The Indonesian affiliates form so consistent a series that there can 
be no doubt of their association with the common Polynesian forms, 
and the terminal denudation of the latter is exactly paralleled in 
Indonesia by 48, 58, 61, 66, and probably by the greatly mutilated 
forms 76-77. The vowel strength of the word lies in the pair u-a, and 
this has undergone but little modification and that in mutations which 
are well established; we find o-a in 44, 63, and perhaps 76-77; the 
less frequent u-a mutation is evident in 53 and 72. ‘The central liquid 
follows the recognized mutation series through the interesting passage 
to the semivowel in 61 fuya and thence to extinction in 62 fiian and 
67 wuan. The mutation to extinction of the initial labial is typical. 
For the inclusion in this suite of 76 o’ro we find some argument in 
the frontally abraded forms 73-75 and the establishment of the o-a 
pair; but 77 osa is unusual and would not at all arise for considera- 
tion save for its evident likeness to 76, for the I-s mutation has not 
arisen in any of my studies of Indonesian and Polynesian. The 
Menado form 46 bulrang is anomalous as regards the diverse dupli- 
cation of the central consonant. 


27. daman father. 


32. tama Klemantan, Toradja. 40. amao Amblaw. 
33. ama Sasak. 41. amana_ Bouton. 
34. 4ma Bima. 42. iama Menado. 
35. ama Visayan, Bontoc lIgorot, | 43. yaman _ Sanguir. 


Kolon, Salayer, Liang, | 44. jaman Tobo. 
Lariko, Teor, Saparua, | 45. kiamat  Bolanghitam. 


Awaiya, Caimarian, Wa- | 46. gama Subanu. 
hai, Bahasa, Buru, Celebes. | 47. mama Gah. 
36. a’ma Morella. 48. mam Mysol. 
37. a’mam_ Kayeli. 49. naama _  Massaratty. 
38. amai Ahtiago 50. nama Wayapo. 


39. amaeolo Teluti. 


In the consideration of the Melanesian affiliates it seemed advis- 
able to conduct the examination along the lines of seemingly established 
phonetic principles. Thus the several variants were referred to a 
postulated tama stem. Here in the assembling of the Indonesian 
material we shall find it to our advantage to give particular attention 
to our postulated tama. Is tama the primitive stem? It is the only 
form known to Polynesian, it is by far the most frequent form in 
Melanesia, in Indonesia it occurs but twice, and the languages in 
which it does occur are relatively unimportant. In other words, have 
the Indonesians, who have perfect facility in the use of the lingual 
mute, excised the t entirely? Have the Melanesians, who in but a few 
scattered instances lack t facility, felt the same movement of oblitera- 
tion in nearly half their languages? And having, without cause 
which we can discover, mutilated the tama stem, under what impulse 
of speech have so many Indonesians and Melanesians assumed not 
only one but indeed several initial consonants? 


116 SISSANO. 


The inquiry will be facilitated by a synoptical ordering of the mate- 
rial derived from the two great linguistic provinces: 


INHUG SteHt 5 cre fie woe ele Sao ie alge a a ama 33-41, 18-19 
Aspitation preface 4C66i) Mae es Pre hama 17 
Sentivowel preface. / iw da waht bao ee yama 42-44 
rama 22-23 
wama 20 
Nasal preface...) aod. ws Ati toner ewan mama 47-48, 27-30 
nama 49-50, 31 
Palatalipreface 3%: Eero ee eee ee eee kiamat 45 
gama 46 
kama 21 
Lingual’ preface ai, oc. 2 59 ee eee tama 32, I-14 
dama 15-16 


Herein we outline a series of type forms in which we note but a 
single irregularity; kiamat is seen on inspection to be a palatal preface 
to yama, which is itself already prefaced by a semivowel. We can 
conceive of no system of speech whereby a primordial t in mutation 
can chase itself all over the phonetic diagram in more complicated 
moves than here are suggested. Here we find every class and every 
series of consonants save the labials, and these we have already learned 
are so late in acquisition that many of these speakers have not yet 
reached facility in their employment. 

On the other hand, assume a primordial stem ama, which in this 
synopsis I have set down as the nude stem. Very frequently in this 
research we have to recognize the tendency to specialize the diffuse 
noumenon into something particular and to designate this speciali- 
zation by modulating the obscure, because general, by a consonant 
serving as the coefficient of the particular sense. Assume in such 
case that which a glance at the geography of the regions and even the 
slightest acquaintance with their ethnography will amply warrant; 
assume a race of generally allied speech, but broken up into small 
and diffuse communities without means of intercommunication. Let 
each scattered unit of this group feel the impulse, their common herit- 
age, to particularization by consonantal coefficients. “Then in the 
condition of their wide severance into unassociated communities it 
would be idle to expect that the geniusof the speech could direct allalike 
to the choice of the same consonant coefficient. In this wise we can 
comprehend the existence of several types of the ama stem in Indonesia 
before the expulsion of the Polynesians. ‘The movement of Poly- 
nesians out of their early home in the Malay seas was no such going 
out as the great national trek from Goshen; it could not be, for there 
was neither a god to part the waters nor a Moses to lead a race. The 
course in its broad lines was fixed—as fixed as the rails of steam com- 
munication—but it was traversed by small flotillas of refugees seeking 
freedom in their small canoes. Singly and in succession each sought 
his way down through Melanesia, each with his own dialectic equip- 
ment, and thus the diverse types of the ama stem were led into wider 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. C17 


currency. On the charts we can follow out these lines with interest. 
We have already noted that tama in its father sense (Subanu, 144) 
is wholly Proto-Samoan; we associate with this fact the interesting 
circumstance that the only instances of the lingually prefaced tama 
in Indonesia derive from the Klemantan of Borneo and the Toradja 
of Celebes, and that of the latter great island an outlier is Salayer, 
an island name carried over leagues of sea by the Samoans and pre- 
served to the present day in the honorific salutation of Tutuila as 
the Island of Salaia. 

It seems, therefore, wholly preferable to regard ama as the primitive 
stem, primordial so far as our explorations can be prosecuted into 
this beginning of a world speech, and that the present variety shows 
us the operation of a great law of particularization of sense determin- 
ing specification in form. 


45. kaluk wooden pillow. 


32. kalang ulu Malay, Lubu. 39. olonan Tagal. 

33. karang ulu Java, Buru. 40. ulunan Magindano. 
34. halang ulu Batak. 41. gulunan Bagobo. 
35. Olaoan Bontoc Igorot. 42. galuling Dyak. 

36. goloan Subanu. 43. karaluni  Tettum. 
37. olon Tagal. 44. kluni Tettum. 
38. hélén Dyak. 45. iklunin Galoli. 


The three forms which head this Indonesian list explain themselves 
very simply. The Malay kalang signifies support and ulu is common 
to Indonesia and Polynesia in the sense of head. ‘The series 35-41, 
all save 38 of Philippine provenience, shows a little accented develop- 
ment from ulu head. In the Indonesian affiliates of this stem (Subanu, 
149) we find the presence of a final n in Wayapo, Massaratty, Teor, 
and Tobo; of the similar m in Kayeli. This may indicate that in 37 
olon the Tagal makes a distinction between the head support with the 
final n of an older form and the head itself as ulo equivalent of olo in 
the more modern form. ‘This may also be true of the Dyak 38 hélén. 
On this reading of the material we should identify olon as head and set 
apart -an rather than -nan as formative element in 39-41, all forms 
from the Philippines. This opinion as to the formative element then 
receives support from 35-36 in which -an is affixed to an olo represen- 
tative. The assumption of a palatal preface g in 36 and 41, both Phil- 
ippine and of an early type, is of great interest when we put these 
occurrences into geographical relation with the similarly prefaced 
forms in Melanesia 1-10, all being on that shore of New Guinea and 
the adjacent Bismarck Archipelago which is most ready of canoe access 
from the southern Philippines. The forms 42-45 exhibit an elusive 
similarity with the ulunan type; 42 and 43 clearly form a pair, 44 and 45 
another, and 43-44 show the transition; but when we orient the ulun 
stem upon the best-developed phase of this type, 


karaluni 
ulun 


118 SISSANO. 


we :find ourselves engaged uncertainly with a new formative element 
for which we have no clear explanation. This may be a formative 
syllable kar (gal) prefixed, in which case we should note that in the 
forms 32-34, occurring not only in the west but also in the north and 
in the east of Indonesia, we find such an element in kar-ang; but as these 
forms occur within the region of the formative infix, we must not 
neglect the possibility that they arise from the already prefaced golon, 
inferential from Subanu golo head, in the type form g-ar-olon, from 
which we may easily derive karaluni. Each suggestion is but a specu- 
lation; at present we want the data upon which to prosecute the 
research to a solution. 


52. lepi sago. 


37. lapia Ambon, Bahasa. 44. rambia Malay. 

38. labia Barée Toradja. 45. rombia Malay. 

39. labia Gorontalo. 46. rumbia Tontemboan. 
40. lepia Ambon, Bahasa. 47. humbia Sanguir. 

41. elpia Amblaw. 48. bia Gorontalo. 
42. lepial Ambon, Bahasa. 49. béa Bunda. 

43. ripial Ambon, Bahasa. 50. bi Vier Radja. 


In the forms 48-50 we find particular reference to the fecula and in 
certain cases the addition of a determinant element is required when 
extending this element to the tree which produces it; thus, in Gorontalo 
we find bia designating the fecula and la-bia the tree; in Buru bia and 
biapun respectively. The labia type is of such wide extent in the two 
western provinces as to constitute a special stem. A resemblance is 
noted to the general Polynesian la which exists independently in the 
sense of the branch or limb of a tree, which compacts with another weak 
stem in la-kau to designate a tree. ‘This is noted as a resemblance 
only in this connection through lack of intermediate data; in the 
“Polynesian Wanderings,” page 304, will be found a summation of the 
scattered occurrences of this word in Melanesia and in Indonesia. 

The Vier Radja bi seems to suggest an earlier type of the pia stem, 
for in languages which tolerate the open form exhibited by bi there 
must be the same tolerance for the open pia and therefore we can not 
see any reason to suspect that bi is an abrasion product. In the 
Melanesian series we find no evidence of the employment of bi inde- 
pendently, but in compaction with the la element we note its presence 
in the forms 10-21. ‘These are confined to New Guinea and the adja- 
cent Bismarck Archipelago, but the obvious conclusion as to source 
is complicated by the fact that certain of the occurrences are credited 
to the south of New Guinea and to peoples classed as Papuan, that 
is, non-Melanesian. In 41 elpia we find no difficulty in recognizing 
metathesis, in 42-43 the assumed final 1 is anomalous and receives 
no support elsewhere in the history of the stem. 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 119 


56. man bird. 
33. Manu Bahasa, Ceram Alfuros, | 43. manuti Wayapo. 
Savu, Kisa, Menado,San- | 44. mano Saparua, Lariko, Liang, 
guir, Sula, Morella, Cai- Batumerah. 
marian, Baju, Salibabo, | 45. manok Kei, Banda, Bentenan, Ka- 
Togean, Bouton. yan, Magindano, Subanu, 
34. manuk Malay, Ponosakan, Sulu. Visayan, Bontoc Igorot, 
35. manul Bahasa. Matu, Gah, Matabello, 
36. manue Amblaw, Awaiya. Teor. 
37. manui Kayeli. 46. manoko  Bolanghitam. 
38. manuo Teluti. 47. mani Waigiou Alfuro. 
39. manuol Bahasa. 48. manik Gani. 
40. manuwa_ Ceram Alfuro. 49. monok Dyak, Bontoc Igorot. 
41. manuwan Ahtiago. 50. malu Ceram Alfuro. 
42. manut Massaratty. 51. malok Wahai. 


In Indonesia we find a considerable occurrence of the final k which 
has been twice noted in Melanesia; the forms in which it occurs are 
34, 45-46, 48-49, 51, representing a score of languages. I have sug- 
gested (Subanu, 132), but on less complete material, that the final 
palatalisa part of thestem manuk. It nowseems preferable to regard 
the k as an assumption of a word-determining element under the genius 
of Indonesian speech and not a pertinence of the stem. Thus only is it 
possible to correlate the forms of the type in 1 in manul (35) and manuol 
(39), of the type in t in manut (42) and manuti (43), in n in manuwan 
(41). Of these variants mutation of consonants could be employed 
to explain none save the t forms, and even that is only remotely pos- 
sible. Of the inner consonant we have but a single variant, malu (50) 
and malok (51). ‘The n—-1 mutation is well established in these language 
provinces, and in Melanesia we find one of these forms in 9 malu 
credited to Alite. The former vowel undergoes but one mutation, 
a—o, found in 49 monok, which occurs in the Dyak and Bontoc Igorot, 
both languages of a type but slightly advanced, and the same muta- 
tion has been observed in 26 mon and 27 monmon from Melanesia in 
two particular regions of the northern Bismarck Archipelago and the 
northern New Hebrides. The final vowel appears to be under a 
notable tendency toward mutation, a tendency obscurely comprehen- 
sible as in some way of a compensatory character, a movement which 
is also apparent in the frequent Indonesian assumption of one of several 
final consonants. Of these mutations we find two distinct types. 
That exhibited in the formula u-o is a recession toward the central 
vowel; that exhibited in the formula u-e is a movement to a position 
of similar advance on the other limb of the vowel scale. With these 
clear mutations I include the several instances in which merely ocular 
inspection seems to present cases of an unmodified u plus the assump- 
tion of a new final vowel, as shown inter alia in the case of 38 manuo. 
It appears to me that in such cases the apparent mutation u—uo is really 
the mutation u-o, but that in the course of the change sufficient of 
the u persists to give the impression of a semivowel lightly impressed 
upon the resultant vowel and that the mutation is better expressed 


120 SISSANO. 


as u-wo. ‘The mutation u—o is found in its simple form in 44-46, 49, 
and 51, and in the u-wo form, as already noted, in 38-39; with this 
I include u-uwa in 40 manuwa and 41 manuwan as a second step in 
recession toward the central vowel, and this mutation u-a finds support 
in the Melanesian forms 4-6. ‘The mutation u-i is found in its simple 
form in 47 mani and 48 manik, with the support of Melanesian 17-18 
mani and 16 mane; the u—wi form appears in 37 manui found in Melanesia 
(7) and in 36 manue. 


63. néu coconut. 


37. niu Bima, Uap. 49. nimel Ceram. 
38. nju Dyak. 50. nimil = Lariko. 
39. nyu Salibabo. 51. nikwel Ceram. 
40. niyog __ Bicol, Bontoc Igorot. 52. niweli Batumerah, Caimarian. 
41. inyug __ Bontoc Igorot. 53. liweli Awaiya. 
42. nihu Malagasy. 54. nuelo —_ Teluti. 
43. njior Malay. 55. luen Wahai. 
44. niula Gah. 56. nu Java. 
45. nier Liang. 57. nui Sulu. 
46. niwer Ceram. 58. nuim Ahtiago. 
47. niwel Ceram. 59. nua Tobo. 
48. niwi Kayeli, Wayapo, Massaratty, | 60. nur Malay. 
Amblaw. 61. niu-gao Subanu. 


Nothing is here added to the material presented in the “Subanu”’ 
at page 138, and it is here offered simply to complete the record. The 
general discussion of the stem will be found in the Melanesian chapter. 


69. ol pot | 
20. kuro Moro. 27. ura Celebes Alfuro. 
21. kura Barée Toradja. 28. uran Timor. 
22. kure Minahassa. 29. wurung Sumba. 
23. kuren Buru. 30. unen Bahasa. 
24. kuring Buru, Sanguir. 31. uren (ulen) Bahasa. 
25. kurreng Tiruray. 32. urene (ulene) Bahasa. 
26. kuden Magindano. 33. ulono Bahasa. 


In the preceding consideration of this vocable I have made it clear 
that the immediate source for Polynesia is Fiji; therefore we are unable 
to settle if this be Polynesian stock or accumulation from Melanesia. 
In general, however, it is fair to assume that any word of such wide 
extent must have Polynesian origin, for this race was the great migrant 
race of the Pacific, and the Melanesians seem to have moved but little 
since their first appearance in the islands of the western Pacific, a 
beginning as to which we are wholly without details. If kulo were of 
Melanesian source, as suggested by its occurence in Fiji, we should 
find it impossible to explain how it could have worked backward against 
the movement of migration and have obtained so wide an extent in 
Indonesia. ‘Taking all the factors into consideration, it seems safe 
to assume the stem to have been Polynesian speech during the resi- 
dence of that people in the Malay seas, to have been carried down 
through the Melanesian traverse, and to have dropped out of modern 
Polynesian use only by reason of the absence in those newer masses 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 121 


of volcanic extrusion of the clay which is an essential antecedent of the 
fictile art and of the vocabulary arising therefrom. In Indonesia there 
is some freedom of treatment of the stem, but Viti and Nuguria suggest 
a primitive kuro; this form dominates Melanesia and is conspicuous 
in Indonesia. In Magindano 26 kuden we find an instance of the r-d 
mutation with which we have made ourselves familiar in these studies. 
This item also presents the final nasal which characterizes so much 
of the Indonesian use of this stem, as n in 23, 26, 28, 30, 31, 32, and 33, 
as ng in 24, 25,and 29. In Melanesia we find three instances of the 
final nasal in 15-17. 


73. pipip butterfly. 


63. pepeue Morella. 67. kalibobo Gani. 
64. pepeul Amboyna. 68. lipopo Barée Toradja. 
65. paopao Ambon, Bahasa. 69. kopokopo Ambon, Bahasa. 
66. kalipopo Minahassa. 70. sosoboba_ Loda. 


In this series it is easy to trace out the pepe stem, except in the case 
of 69 kopokopo, which is included solely since it occurs with a clear 
instance of pepe in Ambon and Bahasa and may in some obscure way 
be associable through metathesis. The only other instance in which 
we encounter k in association with pepe is 15 paubuuk, credited to 
Tanna and on all accounts to be held as doubtful. Our Melanesian 
inquiry segregated a number of extraneous elements compacted with 
pepe. In Indonesia we find two of these identifiable, -ul in 64 pepeul is 
the same as 29 bebeula, and 69 lipopo and 2 lipepe are clearly the same 
as le-; in 66 and 67 we find kali in representation of the Melanesian series 
kara-kili-, already established. The geographical relation of Mina- 
hassa and Baree Toradja in Celebes is so close that we may compare 
lipopo with kalipopo as divers stages of the same type. Our material 
does not enable us to determine which of these is the primitive type 
in respect of the former element of the compacted form, but we find 
the same diversity extending through Melanesia. In 70 sosoboba we 
find conjoined with a pepe derivative a second element which is unique 
in the history of this word so far as we have been able to trace it. 


74. po areca nut. 


REFERENCES: Melanesische Wanderstrasse, 75: 5. Deutsch-Neuguinea, 202: 24. 


MELANESIAN. 

1. bu Barriai, Jabim, Munuwai, 6. a-bté Palabong, Molot. 

Fezoa, Lemusmus, Nokon, 7. mbue Mouk. 

Uap. 8. a-bid Belik. 
2. mbu Kaimana, Jabim, Suralil, 9. a-mbGo = Lihir. 

Uap. 10. bua Barriai, Kobe, Kilenge, Si- 
3. mi-mbtai Tatau. naugoro, San Cristoval, 
4. po Tumleo, Sissano, Arop. Palau, Wogeo, Eluaue, 
5. boé Keule, Bagail, Majum, Los- Emsau, Kung, Tsoi, Bau- 

suk, Lauan, Panangai, ung, Ngamat, Murua, Ki- 

Lakurumau, Limba, Lan- riwina. 


ganie, Lawu. 


122 SISSANO. 


11. mi-mbiaa Kowamerara, Sigab. 17. bibtts Put, Kumenim. 
?2. bttai Namarodu, Lalinau, Punam, | 18. bok6 Hamatana. 
Bissapu, Laur, Kamban- | 19. pua San Cristoval, Maramasiki. 
geriu, Kondo, Yalui, Lam- Ulawa. 
bell, Lamassa. 20. vaé Avelus, Lauan, Mongai, Sali, 
13. 4-mbtiai Gazeile Peninsula. 21. potu Vrinagol. 
14. bua-kau Pokau. 22. pou Paup, Yakomul. 
15. bua-tau Motu. 23. pupts Paup, Yakomul. 
16. baaché Burruwe. 24. fum Afue. 
INDONESIAN. 
25. bua Ceram. 31. fua Buru. 
26. buah Ambon, Bahasa. 32. hua Bahasa. 
27. buwa Ceram. 33. huah Ambon, Bahasa. 
28. pua Maldives, Rotti, Banda. 34. huwa Ambon, Bahasa. 
29. puah Timor, Ambon, Bahasa. 35. hual Bahasa. 
30. puwak Ceylon. 36. wua Tombulu, Tonsea. 


Through this series continuous through Indonesia and into the north- 
ern islands of Melanesia there runs a straight thread of easy identi- 
fications of a stem of which the most frequent typeis bua. ‘The vari- 
ants of the initial labial lie within the range of mutation with which 
we have made ourselves familiar—from mute through spirant to 
semivowel in 36 wua and to aspiration in 32 hua. In a few cases we 
find an accretion to the standard stem; in 35 hual a terminal liquid, in 
30 puwak a terminal palatal mute, but here we must note that all the 
languages of Ceylon lie outside the linguistic province with which we 
are dealing; in 16 biia-ché we meet a palatal of uncertain import, in 13 
a-mbtai we find a vocalic accretion. In 14 and 15 bua-kau of Pokau 
and bua-tau of Motu it is clear that we have dialectic differences of 
the same word. ‘The former element is manifestly the most completely 
developed form of the present stem bua. Ray notes that Motu t 
regularly becomes k in Pokau; therefore we accept tau as primal in 
this pair; this negatives the immediate guess that in this compaction 
we recognize the common stem kau tree, and in both these languages 
(p. 31, No. 35) we find that kau is represented by the form au. The 
vowel skeleton of the stem is represented by the pair u-a and the 
former undergoes no change in the variant forms which remain dis- 
syllabic. The latter vowel undergoes mutation from a to e in 5-7 
and 20, to 0 in 8 and 9g. 

Because of the intricate interlacing of monosyllabic with dissyllabic 
forms of the stem in closely related languages, we feel justified in 
classing with the bua stem a stem of the type bu; but without attempt- 
ing to settle whether this is a more primitive type or the product of 
degradation by abrasion, save that it is proper to repeat the note 
that the abrasion of a final vowel with which we are most familiar is 
directed to the production of a closed syllable and does not seem appli- 
cable to any instance in which abrasion exposes another vowel. Atten- 
tion may be directed upon the occurrence of stem buin Uap of Micro- 
nesia, a storehouse of much that seems to represent a very primitive 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. ass 


Proto-Polynesian. It is possible that 24 fum represents the bu stem 
with a nasal accretion, but in the paucity of data this must remain a 
mere suggestion. In 17 bibts and 23 pupts we may find a duplicated 
bu with sibilant accretion. The frequent u-o vowel change establishes 
po in its narrowly restricted occurrence on the north coast of New 
Guinea. It would be mere guesswork to seek to associate with the 
po type such forms as 18 b6k6, 21 potu, and 22 pou, though we note 
that the latter two are clearly of the same source. 

The extent of this bua stem has an interest far transcending its 
lexicographic importance. Conditioned by a certain large but not 
complete botanical factor, we engage here with the division of two 
diverse cultures as established by the customs of betel-chewing and 
kava-drinking. ‘There has arisen in ethnological reports as well as in 
the narratives of the merely curious traveler such a distortion of terms 
in connection with the betel-chewing that it seems advisable to con- 
tinue the movement introduced by recent authorities and avoid as 
much as possible the term ‘“‘betel-chewing.’’ Even in so careful a 
work as Roorda van Eysinga’s ‘‘ Maleisch-Nederduitsch Woorden- 
boek”’ we find this confusion. Under the word sirih defined as betel 
(Piper betle) he adds “‘daoen sirih het wordt met pinang, gambir, kalk 
en tabak gekauwd,”’ and ‘‘makan sirih betel nuttigen, betel kauwen.”’ 
Then under the word pinang he gives the definition ‘‘de areek of betel- 
noot die bij den betel gebruikt wordt.’’ He has given the four or five 
ingredients of the quid. The matter is detailed at greater length by 
Colonel Finley in “‘The Subanu,’’.page 20. The betel constituent 
is the leaf of that pepper plant; it is of course a misnomer to transfer 
that name to the fruit of the Areca catechu palm, as we have just 
seen in the definition of pinang. To avoid this established error it is 
becoming the custom to refer to the unseemly stimulant as sirih- 
chewing. 

This stimulant characterizes all of Indonesia and immediately adja- 
cent Melanesia where the palm and the pepper grow or may be culti- 
vated. It does not appear at all in Polynesia, where the areca palm 
and this particular pepper are lacking. In Melanesia the custom of 
sirih-chewing has not extended to the limits of the habits of the two 
plants, it has not yet reached the New Hebrides, and its introduction 
to the southern Solomons is within the memory of man. The most 
careful, as it is the most complete, presentation of the theme, so far 
as it relates to Melanesia, we owe to the field researches of Dr. Rivers. 
It is advisable to collect his scattered passages in order to present the 
treatment of the theme as a whole in order that we may see clearly 
what brilliant ethnographical use he makes of the subject in far broader 
relations than the mere practice by savages of one of those social vices 
which go so far in all conditions short of the angelic host, concerning 
which we are not briefed, to ameliorate the tedium of life. These 


124 SISSANO. 


citations are all drawn from his volume ‘‘The History of Melanesian 
Society,” but the order of citation varies considerably, as will be seen 
by the pagination credits, from that which he has followed in the 
sequence of development of his observations in the passage from 
island to island under the compulsive direction of the infrequency of 
means of travel. 


For the purpose of simplicity I have so far spoken of the immigrants into 
Melanesia as if they were all of the same culture and the same stock. It is 
now necessary to study the immigrant culture in different parts of Melanesia 
more closely, with the aim of discovering whether it had the homogeneous 
character hitherto assumed, or whether it was itself complex. 

There is nothing more striking in the distribution of objects throughout 
Melanesia than the respective ranges of the two substances, kava and betel. 
Kava is found in the southern and eastern islands of Melanesia, as well as 
in Polynesia, while betel is used in the northwestern part of Melanesia. It 
has usually been supposed that there is a hard and fast line between the kava 
and betel regions of Melanesia, the line passing between the Torres Islands 
and the Santa Cruz group. It is clear, however, that this line is not so sharp 
as has been supposed. ‘Though the use of betel is an obvious feature of the 
culture of Vanikolo, there is no doubt that kava is also used on ceremonial 
occasions. There seems to be little doubt that kava is not used in Santa 
Cruz and the Reef Islands, even in ceremonial, while the use of betel is habit- 
ual. In Tikopia, an island which, though distinctly Polynesian, has yet 
had frequent communication with the Santa Cruz group, the use of kava in 
ceremonial stands beyond doubt, though the use of betel prevails in every- 
day life. We have at present no evidence whatever of the use of kava in 
the Solomons. In Polynesia the drinking of kava is almost universal, the 
chief places where the custom does not exist being New Zealand and Easter 
Island. In both places, however, the word, in its usual form or as kawa, is 
found with the meaning of ‘‘bitter,’’ while in New Zealand kawa and kawa- 
kawa are also applied to a species of pepper (Piper excelsum) much used in 
religious ceremonies, and also to various ceremonies themselves. 

The view generally accepted is that kava has been introduced into Melanesia 
from Polynesia. In some parts of Melanesia it is probable either that the 
use of kava has been so introduced or that recent Polynesian influence has 
greatly modified an earlier method of using the substance. Thus, in Anai- 
teum, Tanna, Aniwa, and Futuna (Fotuna) the name is the same as in Poly- 
nesia, while in Eromanga it is ne have. In the Banks Islands it is called 
gea and in the Torres Islands gi, both of which are perhaps related to the 
Polynesian word. When, however, we come to the northern New Hebrides, 
we find that in Pentecost [Arag] kava is malohu, in Efaté maluk [not recorded 
in Macdonald’s dictionary], in Epi milik, and in Malekula meruk, words 
which, though evidently related to one another, are absolutely unrelated to 
the Polynesian term. In Fiji again we find a wholly different term, yanggona. 

The evidence from language is confirmed by the study of the method of 
making the drink. Where the name differs from the Polynesian word, the 
method of preparation is also, with one exception, very different. The 
exception is Fiji, where kava is used in a way closely resembling that of 
Polynesia, although the Fijian term has no affinity whatever to the Poly- 
nesian name. It is possible, however, that the word yanggona comes down 
from a time when the mode of preparation was different. In Pentecost the 
root 1s not chewed but grated, and those who are drinking usually arrange 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 19. 


themselves in pairs, one man preparing the kava for the other. In the Banks 
and Torres Islands, where the terms for kava have a distinct resemblance to 
the Polynesian word, there is a likeness to the Polynesian method in that the 
root is chewed, but otherwise the mode of preparation is fundamentally 
different. In the Torres Islands each man makes the drink for himself, 
using special small cups in a manner fully regulated by custom. In the 
Banks Islands also small cups only are used, and though the root is chewed 
by one man for several others, the ritual is wholly different from that of 
Polynesia. 

In the southern New Hebrides, where the term used for the drink agrees 
with that of Polynesia, the resemblance to Polynesian procedure is much 
closer. In Tanna each man chews a piece of the root, from which a boy 
prepares the liquid in a wooden trough. Enough is first prepared for three 
men, and then the same root is used for another three. In Eromanga the 
procedure resembles that of Polynesia still more closely. The root is chewed 
by boys, the chewed mass laid in a wooden vessel, water is added, and the 
mixture strained through coconut fiber and served in coconut shells. 

An essential distinction between the different methods is that, in Poly- 
nesia and Fiji, kava is always prepared in quantity and then shared out 
among those present or among the more important persons in the assembly, 
while in Melanesia the whole thing has a far more individual character. 
Each man makes it for himself in the Torres, two men make it for each other 
in Pentecost, or one man prepares the substance in turn for a number of 
men in the Banks. In association with this more individual character we 
find that in place of the large bowl in which the kava of Polynesia and Fiji 
is prepared, the Melanesians of the northern New Hebrides, Banks, and 
Torres Islands make it in the small cups from which they drink. 

It is possible that the more individual methods of Melanesia are merely 
a secondary result of the connection of kava with the Sukwe. In the Banks, 
for instance, kava is generally drunk in or at the gamal; if there had been at 
one time a more rigorous separation between the members of different divi- 
sions of the Sukwe than appears to exist at present, the more social fashion 
of Polynesia would have been impracticable. If, therefore, kava had been 
introduced from Polynesia in comparatively recent times, it is possible to 
see in the ritual of the Swkwe and similar institutions an obstacle to the 
orthodox Polynesian procedure. The separation between different ranks of 
the Sukwe may have made more individual methods necessary, and minor 
variations of procedure in the organizations of different islands may have 
produced the differences now found in the Banks and Torres Islands and 
Pentecost. It is thus possible to suggest a mechanism whereby the Melane- 
sian methods may have evolved away from that of Polynesia, but the differ- 
ences are so great that their explanation is probably to be sought in some 
other way than by direct introduction from that region. 

There is one feature of the use of kava in the Torres and Banks Islands 
and in the northern New Hebrides which is even more important than either 
nomenclature or mode of preparation in pointing to the great antiquity of 
the practice in Melanesia. In these islands, and especially in the Torres 
group, it is evident that the use of kava is most intimately associated with 
the religious practices of the people. The drinking of kava is a prominent 
feature of the ritual of such occasions as birth, initiation, and death, and on 
these occasions kava is offered to the dead with the accompaniment of prayer. 
It is extremely unlikely that a practice introduced in relatively recent times 
from Polynesia would have come to be so closely associated with the religious 
beliefs and practices of the people, and especially with the cult of the dead. 


126 SISSANO. 


+I have so far considered chiefly the region of Melanesia with which I deal 
particularly in this book, but if the use of kava is ancient there it is probably 
ancient also in the southern New Hebrides; it may be that the closer resem- 
blance to Polynesian procedure which is found in such an island as Eromanga 
is due to modification of an ancient practice through more recent Polynesian 
influence. ‘The account of a case in which the Fijian method was adopted 
in the Banks Islands well illustrates how an ancient procedure can be modified ; 
it may be pointed out that a chance visitor who saw the proceedings described 
by Mr. Durrad would have had no hesitation in deriving the practice of the 
Banks Islands from that of Polynesia or Fiji. 

The distribution of the use of kava in the Santa Cruz Islands is strongly 
in favor of its fundamental place in Melanesian culture. According to the 
available evidence kava is not drunk in the Reef Islands, the culture of 
which is largely Polynesian, while its use is undoubtedly present in Vanikolo. 
If the use of kava had been due to relatively late Polynesian influence this 
would be very difficult to understand. We should have to suppose that an 
element of Polynesian culture is absent in those islands which one must 
suppose to have been the medium of its introduction, while it is present in 
another island of the group in which Polynesian influence in general is least 
apparent. It is very significant that the only island of the Santa Cruz 
group in which we have definite evidence of the use of kava is one which lies 
nearest to the Torres Islands geographically and resembles those islands 
in its culture more closely than other parts of the group. 

An interesting possibility is suggested by a study of the treatment of the 
kava root in Polynesia and in different parts of Melanesia. In Polynesia 
the root was formerly chewed. We have no evidence that it was pounded 
or grated in any part of this region till quite recent times, when the practice 
of chewing has been given up in many places through European influence. 
In Fiji the root was generally chewed when the islands were first visited, but 
it would seem that the original Fijian practice, at any rate in the interior 
of Viti Levu, was to grate or pound the root, the practice of chewing having 
been introduced from Tonga. 

In the Banks and ‘Torres Islands the root is chewed, but in the New 
Hebrides, which we have every reason to regard as a region of more archaic 
culture, it is grated and there is no chewing. We find, then, grating or 
pounding the root in those regions, viz, Pentecost and the interior of Viti 
Levu, which the nature of the systems of relationship has led us to regard 
as regions of more archaic Melanesian culture, while chewing is found in 
Polynesia and in the Banks and Torres Islands. 

One is tempted to ask whether the use of kava may not have been a prac- 
tice of the aborigines of Melanesia which was taken over by the immigrants 
into that area; in this connection I may recall the fact that, in the northern 
New Hebrides and in Fiji, the terms for kava are wholly different from those 
of Polynesia and of other regions of Melanesia. It is also noteworthy that 
the people of Pentecost have a tradition of the origin of kava, said not to 
be known. in the neighboring Banks Islands. ‘This tradition is that kava 
was first discovered through the observation of its effects on a rat which 
had been nibbling a root. [The story in great detail and with the added 
item of the use of sugar cane for the correction of the intoxication is included 
in my collection of Samoan myths.] When in Fiji, however, Professor 
Stanley Gardiner was told a similar story of the origin of the practice in 
Tonga, so that the idea is probably not indigenous in Pentecost. [It should 
be noted that the presence of the tale in three such widely sundered loca 
argues most strongly for a common source of both story and custom.] 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. Pi 


The nature of the terms for kava in the New Hebrides and Fiji, and the 
practice of grating or pounding the roots in those islands in place of the chew- 
ing of Polynesia, suggests that the use of kava may have originated among 
the aborigines of Melanesia and have been taken from them by the Poly- 
nesians instead of the movement having been in the contrary direction, as 
is usually supposed. 

The use of kava is, however, so characteristic and widespread a feature of 
Polynesian culture, and it is so unlikely that it can have been adopted from 
the aboriginal Melanesians, that we seem driven either to assume its inde- 
pendent origin in Melanesia and Polynesia or to look elsewhere for the true 
explanation of its common presence in these two parts of Oceania. 

There are certain facts connected with the use of kava in Melanesia which 
point to an explanation in harmony with the scheme of immigrant influence 
in Melanesia which has been formulated in the last two chapters. A striking 
feature of the use of kava in Melanesia is its close connection with the Sukwe 
of the Banks Islands and with the Nanga of Fiji. It was in the most sacred 
division of the manga, called the nanga tambutambu or sacred compartment, 
that the kava bowl stood. 

Even in the southern New Hebrides, where, so far as we know, the secret 
organizations do not occur, the use of kava is definitely connected with the 
houses where the men eat and sleep. Further, a universal feature of Melane- 
sian procedure is the rigorous exclusion of women from all participation in 
its use, and this exclusion is probably to be associated with the institution 
of the men’s house and the secret organizations. ‘This at once suggests 
that the use of kava belongs to the immigrants to whom I have ascribed the 
origin of these organizations, and the force of this suggestion is greatly 
strengthened when we find that kava is closely connected with the ghosts 
of the dead, whose cult has also been ascribed to these immigrants. It is 
clear that, when offerings of kava are made with prayer, both offering and 
prayer are directed to the ghosts of the dead and not to the vw or spirits 
which have never been men. If kava thus belongs to the culture of the 
immigrants it is easy to understand why its use was at one time limited to 
the higher ranks of the Sukwe and why, even now in the Banks Islands, 
kava should only be made by one of Tavatsukwe or higher rank, while only 
those of this rank should drink in the gamal. I have suggested that this 
rank represents the dividing line between the original members and those 
who were introduced later; on this supposition the limitation to people of 
the Tavatsukwe rank and above becomes perfectly natural. 

Two striking differences between the Melanesian and Polynesian methods 
of using kava are its more definitely religious character in the former, and 
its more strict limitation to men; and it is noteworthy that in both of these 
respects the practice of Tikopia resembles that of Melanesia. In Tikopia 
kava is only used in religious ceremonial connected with a cult of dead ances- 
tors, from which women are excluded, so that to the parallels considered in 
the last chapter we have now to add this close resemblance between the 
practice of Tikopia and that of the secret organizations of Melanesia. It 
has been argued that Tikopia represents an early stage of Polynesian culture, 
and the resemblance between Tikopia and the secret organizations of Melan- 
esia in the mode of using kava thus strengthens the hypothesis that the 
ancestors of the Polynesians and the immigrants who founded the secret 
organizations were one and the same people. 

If now we turn to the distribution of the custom of chewing betel mixture, 
1. €., a mixture of areca nut, betel leaf, and lime, we find that the practice is 
limited to the northwestern part of the area with which I deal, but that this 


128 SISSANO. 


region forms only one corner of a vast area of distribution extending through 
New Guinea and the Malay Archipelago to India. 

There are indications that the area of distribution has extended its limits 
in Oceania in relatively late times, even if it is not still extending. In Vani- 
kolo and Tikopia betel and kava occur together, but while betel is chewed 
in everyday life, the use of kava is limited to religious ceremonial. In this 
case there can be no doubt that the offerings of kava represent the more 
ancient custom and that betel chewing is a later practice. The existence of 
both substances in these islands and the difference in their mode of use sug- 
gest the presence of two cultures, one of which is encroaching upon the area 
of the other. The Santa Cruz Islands, with Tikopia as an outlier, would 
seem to be a field in which the encroachment of the later culture is still in 
progress. 

The distribution of kava and betel thus suggests the presence in Oceania 
of two cultures which may be called the kava culture and the betel culture, 
respectively. I propose to adopt as a working assumption for the rest of 
this book that these two cultures belong to two immigrant peoples whom I 
shall call the kava people and the betel people. When I use these terms in 
future it must be borne in mind that they are not terms for the people of 
Oceania who use kava and betel now, but are terms for the hypothetical 
bodies of immigrants who introduced the use of these two substances. 

I propose also to adopt a special name for the indigenous population which 
the kava people found in Melanesia. We have seen that the earliest form 
of social organization of which we have evidence was on a dual basis asso- 
ciated with matrilineal descent, dominance of the old men, and the peculiar 
forms of marriage which are either known to exist in Melanesia or have been 
revealed by the analysis of its systems of relationship. It will be convenient 
to have a name for the people on whom the immigrants exerted so great an 
influence, and as the most essential feature of their social organization was 
its dual character, I propose to call them the dual people. Here, as in the 
case of the terms kava people and betel people, I do not use the term dual 
people for those who now possess the dual system of society, but for the 
hypothetical element in the existing population of Melanesia formed by the 
people inhabiting its islands when they were first visited by the immigrants. 
Since the argument has shown reason to believe that the inhabitants of the 
Solomon Islands and Fiji once possessed the dual system, we must suppose 
that these islands were at one time inhabited by the dual people; I make 
this the working assumption of the argument which follows: 

It follows from the distribution of kava and betel that the kava people 
settled in southern Melanesia, Fiji, and Polynesia, while the betel people 
did not extend in their southeasterly movement beyond the Solomon and 
Santa Cruz Islands. It is, of course, possible that certain elements of the 
culture of the betel people may have been carried directly or indirectly to 
southern Melanesia, Fiji, and Polynesia, but it seems more probable that 
we have in the culture of these regions the results of the influence of the kava 
people uncomplicated by the culture of the betel people. 

In the Santa Cruz Islands, where both betel and kava are used, it is clear 
that we have to do with elements belonging to the three cultures; and for 
reasons I have already considered we can be confident that in these islands 
the kava people were the earlier and the betel people the later comers. It 
must at present be left an open question whether the betel people themselves 
reached these islands or whether certain elements of their culture, including 
betel, may not have reached these islands indirectly. We can be fairly con- 
fident that the betel chewing of Tikopia is the result of intercourse with the 
Santa Cruz Islands rather than of a settlement of the betel people themselves. 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 129 


I have now to consider the question whether the Solomon Islands are also 
the seat of the mixture of three cultures. It is possible that the kava people 
never reached these islands, so that, when the betel people arrived, they 
blended directly with an indigenous population possessing a dual organiza- 
tion comparable with that of southern Melanesia. If, on the other hand, 
the kava people settled in the Solomons and blended with the dual people 
and were later joined by the betel people, it is evident that we shall have a 
far more complicated problem than appears to be presented by the more 
southern islands. 

We shall have in this case to consider the results of the blending of one 
people with another whose culture was already complex; we shall have to 
inquire how far elements of the culture introduced by the earlier settlers 
were obliterated or obscured by the betel people. An obvious fact to be 
dealt with will be the absence of kava in the Solomons, for if those I have 
called the kava people once settled in the Solomons a practice has since 
disappeared which forms so striking a feature of their culture elsewhere that 
I have chosen it as the means of their designation. All traces of their cul- 
ture, however, are not likely to have disappeared, and I have now to con- 
sider what evidence we possess of the presence of the culture of the kava 
people in the Solomons. 

When formulating my scheme of the origin and development of the Sukwe 
and Tamate societies of the Banks Islands I pointed out that certain promi- 
nent features of the secret organizations are present in the Solomons as part 
of the general and public culture of these islands. These features are a 
cult of the dead, the institution of totemism, and the practice of taboo. If 
now we examine the culture of the Solomon Islands we find that all three of 
these features are only present, so far as we know, in one region, that com- 
prising Florida, Ysabel, Guadalcanar, and Savo, and many parts of San 
Cristoval, which may conveniently be spoken of as the matrilineal region. 

The religious cult of this region is essentially a cult of ghosts; its social 
organism stands alone in the Solomons in being based on totemism, and the 
protection of property by means of taboo marks connected with the ghostly 
tindalo is a prominent feature of the culture. It is in this matrilineal region 
that the resemblance between the secret ritual of the Tamate societies and 
the open culture of the Solomons comes out most strongly. Further, it is 
only in this matrilineal region that we have any evidence of secret societies 
similar to those of southern Melanesia. 

According to my scheme it is the kava people who founded the Tamate 
societies, and it is the culture of this people which is enshrined in their ritual; 
it will therefore follow that, if the kava people settled in the Solomons, it is 
the matrilineal region which has preserved their culture most purely. I 
propose to adopt as my working hypothesis that the kava people settled in 
the Solomons, and that in the matrilineal region of these islands there has 
been preserved the culture resulting from the blend of the kava people with 
the dual people but relatively little influenced by the betel people, while 
other parts, such as Ulawa and Malaita and the more western islands, are 
places where the influence of the betel people has been predominant. It is 
noteworthy that the matrilineal islands occupy the central portion of the 
Solomons, suggesting that the betel people have gradually invaded the 
islands from several sides; it is probable that their culture was still encroach- 
ing on that of the earlier settlers when the islands were first visited in the 
last century. 

The complete absence of betel chewing in Fiji shows that the betel people 
can have had no direct influence in these islands; on the assumption I am 


130 SISSANO. 


now making Fiji should be the seat of the interaction of the kava people 
with the dual people, more recent Polynesian influence being, of course, 
also present. On this assumption we should except to find that Fiji has 
closer affinities in culture with the matrilineal region than with other regions 
of the Solomons, and there can be little doubt that this is the case. The 
resemblance is particularly striking in their systems of relationship. No 
systems recorded in this book show a closer resemblance than those of the 
coastal people of Fiji and of the matrilineal region of the Solomons. ‘There 
is not merely a resemblance in structure dependent on the fact that both are 
based on the cross-cousin marriage, but many of the terms are the same in 
the two places, the identity extending even to the possessive pronouns. 
Further, the close resemblance which thus exists between the terms of rela- 
tionship of the two places is only one instance of general linguistic similarity, 
for F. W. Schmidt has especially noted (Mitt. Anthrop. Ges. Wien, 1899, 
XXIX, 251) the close resemblance between the languages of Florida, Ysabel, 
and Guadalcanar and those of Fiji. 

Another feature which brings Fiji into relation with the matrilineal region 
of the Solomons, and both places into relation with the Banks and New 
Hebrides, is the presence of secret societies. If these societies are institu- 
tions founded by the kava people it is a striking fact in favor of the pre- 
dominance of this people in the matrilineal region of the Solomons that it 
should be in this region only that secret societies are known to have existed. 

I now return to the substances which form the special subject of this 
chapter. I have spoken of the culture of the matrilineal region of the Solo- 
mons as having been relatively little influenced by the betel people. Though 
there is reason to believe that their influence was slight compared with that 
exerted on other regions of the group, it is evident that it was by no means 
small absolutely, and one of the facts to be explained is the disappearance 
of kava. 

So far as we know at present this disappearance is complete. It may be 
noted that kava is used in such a way in Vanikolo and Tikopia that it might 
easily be overlooked; as a matter of fact its use in Vanikolo has been com- 
pletely overlooked until now, and has been recorded in this book for the first 
time. It is therefore possible that kava may yet be found in the Solomons, 
perhaps in the ritual of the bush people, of which we are at present completely 
ignorant. In southern Melanesia kava is closely connected with the secret 
organizations and with the cult of ghosts; we should therefore expect to 
have found its use connected with the Matambala of Florida, and it is possible 
that kava disappeared with the extinction of these societies. 

In any case there is so much which suggests the presence of the kava people 
in the matrilineal region of the Solomons that it is legitimate to assume that 
kava was once used in those islands; if so, its disappearance would have 
been merely the result of a further progress of the changes which have made 
it so inconspicuous in Vanikolo that it has hitherto escaped attention. It 
remains to inquire whether there are any conditions which will explain how 
a practice introduced from without should succeed in displacing another, to 
which we must suppose the people to have been attached by long custom. 

It is not, I think, difficult to see how kava, in so far as it is used as a daily 
stimulant, may have been displaced by betel mixture. Kava is a substance 
which can only be used after prolonged preparation; even in those parts of 
Melanesia where it is used the supply is generally far from plentiful. Fur- 
ther, in the Banks Islands its use is properly limited, not merely to men, but 
to the older men and chiefs, and it is probable that this limitation would 
also have been present in the Solomons. 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 131 


The constituents of betel mixture, on the contrary, are always at hand. 
They are carried in the basket or bag ready for immediate use at any moment: 
the mixture is used by both sexes and at all ages, and both the areca nut 
and the betel pepper are abundant in the Solomons, so that even if they were 
brought from elsewhere by human agency it is evident that they have thriven 
abundantly. It is not unnatural that substances which can be used imme- 
diately, which are abundant and freely available to all, should have displaced 
in everyday life one which, if we are to judge from the evidence elsewhere, 
was scarce and only allowed to a small proportion of the population. 

If, then, kava was once present in the Solomons and other places invaded 
by a betel-chewing people, it is not difficult to see why the earlier use of kava 
should have been displaced by the practice of betel chewing, at any rate in 
the ordinary life of the people. It becomes readily intelligible why, in such 
islands as Vanikolo and Tikopia, where we may suppose the introduction of 
betel to have been relatively recent, the use of kava has wholly disappeared 
from ordinary life and is drunk only in connection with religious ceremonial, 
or is made only in order that it may be used as a religious offering. 

I can not conclude this chapter without a brief consideration of the origin 
of kava drinking. ‘The practice of betel chewing is widespread, and Melanesia 
forms but one corner of so large an area of distribution that we can be confi- 
dent that it was brought into Melanesia by an immigrant people as a fully 
developed practice. With kava the case is different. Its use is limited to 
Polynesia and Micronesia, Melanesia including the Admiralty Islands and 
New Guinea, and there can be little doubt that it is within this area that we 
must look for the origin of the practice. It is probable that it was not 
brought by the kava people as a fully developed custom, but arose through 
the needs and conditions of their new home. 

The suggestion I make concerning the origin of kava drinking is one which 
involves a conclusion which will only be reached at a later stage of my argu- 
ment. _I mention it only in order to be able to deal with the origin of kava now. 

This conclusion is that there was no very great difference between the 
cultures of the kava people and the betel people. Probably both peoples 
came from the same part of the world and the differences between them are 
perhaps to be explained merely by the lapse of time between the two streams 
of migration and by developments and changes which took place during the 
interval. Betel chewing is a complex practice which involves the use of three 
different substances (still more are used at present in some parts of the Malay 
Archipelago); it must have arisen by a process in which one substance was 
first added to another and then at a later stage the third substance added 
to the other two. It is possible that when the kava people left their old 
home the custom of betel chewing was still in process of development and that 
at this time the practice was limited to the chewing of the leaf of the betel 
pepper, or it may be that it was only this element of the mixture which they 
succeeded in carrying to their new home. Still another possibility is that the 
migrants may have been acquainted with betel chewing in its entirety, but 
brought none of its constituents with them, so that they could only use such 
ingredients of the mixture, or plants which resembled these ingredients, as 
they found in their new home. In either case it may be supposed that they 
first chewed the leaves until it was discovered, perhaps in the way suggested 
by the Pentecost story, that the root furnished a more potent means whereby 
to procure the desired effect of the plant. Having once discovered the 
properties of the root, it may be suggested that it became the custom to grate 
or pound it in some places and to chew it in others, and that from these 
beginnings there have developed the various methods of preparing the sub- 
stance which are found in different parts of Melanesia and Polynesia. 


132 SISSANO. 


Some facts may be mentioned in favor of this mode of origin of the use of 
kava. In the Bismarck Archipelago, according to Stephan and Graebner, 
the pepper used as a constituent of betel mixture is probably Piper methys- 
ticum, suggesting that the betel people found this plant when they reached 
this region and substituted it for that they had used in their former home. 
Further, the betel pepper is known in various parts of Polynesia as kavakava- 
atua (Marquesas), ‘ava‘avaaitu (Samoa), and avaava-atua (Tahiti). ‘These 
names clearly indicate the sacred character of the plant, and it seems possible 
that this sanctity is due to the tradition of the existence and use of this 
plant in the former home of the kava people. It may be noted that one of 
the very few plants used in Tikopia as a remedy is the kavakava, which may 
be the betel pepper. 

I suggest, then, that the use of kava was a development of the practice 
of chewing betel, a view which has already been advanced in somewhat 
different form by Christian (Caroline Islands, 189). ‘This seems to furnish 
by far the most probable explanation of the origin of a practice which is 
distinctly Oceanic. 

One alternative must be mentioned. It is possible that the practices of 
drinking kava and chewing betel do not indicate two successive migrations, 
but have arisen only through the absence of the proper constituents of betel 
mixture in certain parts of Oceania. ‘Thus, it might be held that the absence 
of betel chewing in southern Melanesia, Fiji, and Polynesia is due to the 
absence of the areca palm, so that it was only in these parts of Oceania that 
the immigrants were driven to the exclusive use of a betel pepper identical 
with, or similar to, that used in betel chewing. It might seem to be in favor 
of this view that the areca palm is said to be absent in Fiji and Polynesia, 
although its presence has been recorded in the New Hebrides. 

There are, however, two sets of facts which make this alternative improb- 
able. There can be little doubt that many of the food plants and other 
objects of economic importance of Oceania have been introduced by the 
immigrant peoples to whom I have ascribed the use of kava and betel; we 
should then have to explain why these immigrants failed to introduce the 
arcea palm in a similar way. Still more conclusive, however, is the fact 
that the presence and mode of use of both kava and betel in Vanikolo and 
Tikopia show that there have been successive introductions of the two 
substances. I have therefore no hesitation in adhering to my hypothesis 
of the two streams of migration into Melanesia which I denote by their 
respective uses of kava and betel. (Chapter xxvi, pp. 243-257.) 

(Tikopia.) The evidence of outside influence was of the slightest; very 
few of the people wore anything but the native dress, a loin cloth of tapa 
stained with turmeric. They swarmed over the ship in the most fearless 
and free manner, talking vociferously and ready to lay hands on any object 
which took their fancy, their general appearance and their teeth and lips 
stained red with betel mixture driving some new members of the crew to 
hide themselves in alarm. . . . We visited one of the chiefs . . . and were 
given some excellent food consisting of sago flavored with coconut. (Vol. I, 
Pp. 298-299.) 

(Tikopia.) At the death of a chief another chief comes to make an offering 
of kava before burial takes place and it is probable that this offering is also 
made in the case of ordinary people. (Vol. I, p. 313.) 

(Tikopia.) All the relatives would abstain from betel, but only for about 
two months. . . . For the first ten days after death offerings of food and 
kava are made at the grave daily and betel is usually offered too. These 
offerings of food and occasionally of betel continue indefinitely, probably 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. cso 


for as long as the existence of the grave is recognized. The kava, on the other 
hand, at first offered daily, is later poured out at longer intervals till six 
months after death, from which time offering is made every six months. As 
we shall see shortly the graves are the scenes of the offerings of kava on 
many other occasions. (Vol. I, p. 314.) 

(Tikopia.) A man who asks a question chews betel and taking some of 
the chewed mass from his mouth he holds it out to the possessed man, saying 
“eat” and it is eaten by the possessed man, who is then ready to answer his 
questioner. (Vol. I, p. 322.) 

(Tikopia.) Betel mixture is used by the people largely and the areca nut 
(kaura) and betel leaf (pita) must be very plentiful. The lime, called kapia, 
is kept in simple undecorated gourds, and the elderly chief of the Taumako 
whom I saw on my visit prepared his betel mixture in a cylindrical vessel 
with a spatula, exactly in the same way as is done by elderly men in the 
Solomon Islands. It seemed quite clear that the kava which is used so exten- 
sively in ceremonial is never drunk. (Vol. I, p. 333.) 

(Tikopia.) Near the bowl (of sacrificial food) was placed some turmeric, 
scented water, areca nut, betel leaf, and lime. . . . The chief’s second son, 
Paetearikitonga, then made kava, which Paevatere took to the chief, who 
held it over his head twice with prayer and then poured it over one packet 
of food, a second bowl of kava being poured on the other packet. ‘The chief 
then pounded up betel leaf, areca nut, and lime and, after holding the mixture 
twice above his head with prayer, he placed it with the other offerings. 
fy oly, p.-337-) 

It is probable that this process of simplification (of relationship) would 
be assisted by later immigrant influence, and the nature of the systems of 
Ulawa, Saa, and Eddystone suggests that the influence of the betel people 
has been especially strong in these islands, and it is therefore significant 
that they possess the simplest of all the Melanesian systems I have recorded. 
. . . We should not expect that terms of relationship introduced by the betel 
people would have a wide distribution, and we have little evidence which 
allows us to ascribe such introduction on any large scale to this people. The 
terms, however, common to Ulawa and to Heuru in San Cristoval, and such 
a term as sasi, which seems to be spreading through Malaita, may have been 
derived from the betel people, and other of the Malaita terms, such as dz 
used for the cross-cousin, and /oma and bara used for relatives by marriage, 
may also have come from this source. We need, however, a far larger col- 
lection of systems from this part of Melanesia to enable us to distinguish 
such terms with certainty. All that can be said at present is that the avail- 
able evidence suggests that the betel people were not responsible for such 
fundamental changes in the social organization, and consequently in the 
systems of relationships, as seem to have followed the advent of the earlier 
immigrants, and such changes as they produced were probably in the direc- 
tion of simplification of a kind which did not involve the introduction of new 
terms. ‘There are, however, certain words which are possibly common to 
both kava and betel peoples; thus, fama has so wide a distribution (see pp. 
50, 115) as to suggest that itis such a word. Its presence in southern Melan- 
esia, Fiji, and Polynesia shows that it certainly formed part of the vocabulary 
of the kava people, butt is also present in Eddystone, and with elided initial 
letter in Ulawa, where the influence of the betel people has been especially 
pronounced. Probably both peoples used this term. Similarly, tina is used 
in Eddystone as well as in Polynesia, Fiji, and the matrilineal region of the 
Solomons, and here again the term may have been common to both cultures. 
A more doubtful word is iva, used for brothers and sisters-in-law. ‘This 


134 SISSANO. 


term is found in the matrilineal region of the Solomons and in Eddystone, 
ard probably in the modified form the or zha in Ulawa and Saa. Further, it 
almost certainly occurs in Fiji, both as part of ra-iva and among the Tavua 
people without the prefix. On the other hand no form of the word has been 
recorded in any part of Polynesia. ‘The word thus raises a difficulty, for, 
if it belonged to the kava people, we should expect to find it in Polynesia, 
and its presence in the matrilineal Solomons and Fiji is a difficulty if it be 
ascribed to the betel people. I can only suggest that it is a term, common 
to both peoples, which has disappeared in Polynesia. (Vol. II, pp. 312-313.) 

It is an essential part of my general scheme that the immigrants into Melan- 
esia practiced a cult of the dead as the prominent element in their religion. 
Since this cult of the dead is a pronounced feature of the religion of Tikopia 
and of the secret societies of southern Melanesia, it follows that it is to be 
ascribed to the kava people. A cult of the dead is also the prominent feature 
of the religion of islands, such as Eddystone and Malaita, where I suppose 
‘the influence of the betel people to have been predominant. We have 
therefore to conclude that the cult of the dead was common to both the 
immigrant streams supposed to have entered Melanesia. . . . We can with 
some confidence ascribe the highly developed cult of the skull in the Solomons 
to the betel people, but we can not so confidently exclude a skull cult from 
the religion of the kava people. . . . The sanctity of the head among the 
kava people thus suggests some community of culture between them and the 
betel people. It suggests that the practices of the betel people are only a 
further development of beliefs and practices already possessed by the kava 
people; and that the kava and betel people were only two successive streams 
of migrants possessing closely related cultures. (Vol. II, pp. 258-260.) 

The conclusion to which this and the preceding chapters have led us is 
that Melanesian society, as we now know it, is the outcome of the blending 
of a number of different peoples. First, a people possessing the dual organiza- 
tion of society; next, an immigrant people who introduced the use of kava 
and were the founders of the secret organizations of Melanesia; thirdly, a 
people who introduced the practices of head hunting and betel chewing; and 
lastly, relatively recent influences from Polynesia and Micronesia. ‘There 
is reason to believe that the earliest of these peoples, the dual people, was 
itself complex, having as one of the constituent elements a people who 
interred their dead in the sitting position; but the problem before us is 
sufficiently involved without the introduction of this complexity. I propose, 
therefore, in the succeeding chapters to ignore it as far as possible and to 
treat the dual people as the aborigines of Melanesia. . . . In the attempt to 
analyze Melanesian culture I shall pay especial attention to the kava people 
and the dual people, and shall not attempt any thorough examination of the 
culture of the betel people. The material with which I deal in this book is 
derived chiefly from the more southern islands of Melanesia, which I suppose 
to have been uninfluenced by the betel people. If I am right in supposing 
that these islands are the scene of the mixture of only two main cultures, it 
is evident that the analysis will be a far easier task than in the Solomons, 
where we have, in addition, the influence of the betel people. The most 
favorable condition for an inquiry into the culture of the betel people would 
be the study of some region where their influence has been dominant and 
where the influence of the kava people has been relatively slight. Such a 
region seems to exist in the more western islands of the British Solomons 
which have been studied by Mr. Hocart and myself; the share taken by the 
betel people in the production of Melanesian culture can only be adequately 
considered after the full account of this work has been published. (Vol. II, 


pp. 290-291.) 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 135 


Such enormous phonetic variation (as in the Banks Islands and the New 
Hebrides particularly) is very difficult to understand on any hypothesis other 
than that on which I am proceeding, according to which it would be the 
result of phonetic differences in the speech of the peoples who inhabited 
these islands before the arrival of the kava people. It is more difficult to 
say what may have been the influence of the betel people and other later 
comers into Melanesia. The languages spoken in the islands where the 
influence of the betel people has been especially strong are of the same 
general character as those of other parts of Melanesia. ‘The betel people 
must have had some effect on vocabulary, but the evidence for their influence 
seems to be so slight that this people probably furnish an example of the 
widely accepted principle that language follows the mother. It is probable 
that the betel men married women of the islands where they settled, and 
that their children adopted the languages of their mothers. This process 
would be the more natural if the language of the betel people did not differ 
very widely from that of the earlier immigrants. The existence of common 
elements in the use of kava and betel, in the cult of the dead and in the material 
culture, has led me to regard the kava and betel peoples as closely allied to 
one another, and the slight differences between the languages of places 
settled by the betel people and those they did not reach suggest that the 
languages of the kava and betel peoples did not differ in any fundamental 
respect from one another. (Vol. II, p. 470.) 

The chief material objects which I have been led to ascribe to the kava 
people are the following: kava, shell money, the pig and fowl, the bow and 
=a ogra gong, the conch shell, the fillet, and the cycas tree. (Vol. 

» P- 533. 

The plank built canoe (mon of New Ireland) seems to have been especially 
developed among the betel people. (Vol. II, p. 536.) 

It is probable that they (the Matankor of the Admiralty Islands) are 
representatives of a migration earlier than that of the betel people who 
seem so largely to have influenced the Modanus, and I propose now to consider 
how far there is any evidence which would lead us to identify their culture 
with that of the kava people. In entering upon this topic it will be natural 
to begin with kava drinking. This practice occurs in the Admiralty Islands, 
and as in other parts of Polynesia, its use has generally been ascribed to 
relatively recent Polynesian influence. ‘The juice of the root, however, is 
expressed between stones and is drunk by men, the mode of preparation 
being thus of a kind which I suppose to have been practiced by the kava 
people of Melanesia. If the practice was introduced from Polynesia it must 
have been at some remote time before chewing had become the Polynesian 
practice. According to Parkinson the method is like that of Ponape, so that 
relatively recent introduction from Micronesia must be regarded as a possi- 
bility, but it may be noted that the only place in the Admiralty Islands 
where we know definitely of the use of kava is Lou, which is one of the seats 
of the Matankor. ‘This suggests that there still lingers in this island one of 
the original customs of the kava people which has disappeared everywhere 
else in northern Melanesia. (Vol. II, p. 553.) 


Before entering upon the statement of the views upon the kava 
problem which have resulted from my own studies, it will be proper 
to comment on certain of the foregoing conclusions offered by our 
learned authority. 

In the Tanna method of preparation (p. 125) we find a difficulty 
of usage. After the method in use in all Polynesia and in Fiji it would 


136 SISSANO. 


be quite impracticable to make a second infusion. In those cultures 
the dried root after comminution by chewing or pounding undergoes 
the process of maceration, the minute fragments of the woody fiber 
of the root being removed from the infusion by being caught in a 
tangle of hibiscus fiber. ‘This is the converse of straining, whereby 
the material might be conserved for future use if such were considered 
desirable; for the hibiscus swab collects the particles and they are 
then thrown away in the process of shaking out the swab. Even if 
the particles were kept, as would be the case in a process of straining 
whereby the liquid was removed from the solid rather than the solid 
removed from the liquid by swabbing, it is not easy to see what second 
use could be made of the remnant, for the first maceration dissolves 
out practically all the active principle contained in the starch-cells 
of the root, and I have certified to myself that the portion removed by 
the swab retains almost none of the characteristic flavor of the fresh 
root and probably little of its active principle. 

In the region of the secret societies of the Banks Group it is noted 
by our author (p. 225) that the religious character of kava use argues 
against the recent introduction from Polynesia of the custom. We 
should note in a most important addition to this fact the further fact 
that in Polynesia kava is not in the least associated with religious 
custom or religious ideas. We do find kava used by the gods (a per- 
tinent example is in the Samoan story of peeping Pava in my manu- 
scripts), but such use is exactly as is the use of man on the earth below, 
a social custom. ‘The nearest suggestion of religious idea may be 
conceived to appear in the libation to the divine principle which per- 
sists in Samoan usage. In spilling a few drops of the infusion upon 
the pavement just at the edge of the house the first who drinks mur- 
murs the phrase “‘Let the god drink; this recognition is decorous.” 
But as this is used as a grace before any meat it will be manifest that 
it does not particularize the use of kava. 

Several notes find place along with the remarks of Dr. Rivers (p. 226) 
upon the chewing or pounding of the root. It must be understood 
clearly that the island taste does not revolt at the practice of having 
the root chewed in the mouths of others and no part of the operation 
seems unbecoming. In fact, I venture to record that as a result of 
long experience with kava in all parts of the Pacific it is not mere idle 
fancy to hold and to express the opinion that there is a distinct dif- 
ference in the quality of the infusion which can be traced only to the 
difference in the mode of preparing the root for maceration. When 
made from pounded root the infusion has a raw flavor quite inferior 
to the smoother blend when chewed. In the latter process we have 
not only the stimulation of the salivary glands in normal response 
to the presence within the mouth of a foreign substance, but the active 
peppery principle of the root set free by solution within the ruptured 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 137 


starch-cells induces a much greater flow of saliva. Within the mouth 
in the molar grinding of the root the starch-cells are not only separated 
from the intractable woody fiber, but are themselves bruised open, 
with the result that the saliva may reach the starch itself. We may 
conclude that when the starch is brought freely into contact with the 
saliva, and this for a much longer period than is utilized in the mastica- 
tion for the stomach, the process of ptyalization causes normal changes 
in the starch which can not be without their effect in the maceration 
which follows. ‘That the method in Polynesia was uniformly that of 
chewing is substantiated by all the discovery record. We have further 
evidence of the great antiquity of the method, for in Samoa we find 
the word ‘aumaga employed to designate the young men in their cere- 
monial position in society, and this word is merely ‘the chewers.”’ 
I assume the validity of the statement that in the interior of Viti Levu 
the original practice was to pound the root, but I have never seen it in 
the country of the Kai Colo. On the Fijian littoral, even of Viti 
Levu, pounding was distinctly understood to be a concession to foreign 
prejudices; the introduction of chewing from Tonga, if such were 
indeed the case, could hardly have reached the mountaineers. 

In connection with the mixture of the two cultures on the Polynesian 
island of Tikopia I should make a note on the Verge Islands to the 
north (The Polynesian Wanderings, 4) even as far as Kapingamarangi 
north of the equator. While the inhabitants are almost pure Poly- 
nesians and might be expected to have the kava custom, we lack 
definite evidence in the scanty memoranda of their speech which has 
been published. I regret that in the loss of my field-notes I am unable 
to report positively upon the use of kava in that chain of islands. It 
is for that reason that in distributing upon my culture chart the bound- 
aries of the kava and the betel I have left the Verge Islands out of 
the scheme. 

To the kava people Dr. Rivers (p. 125) assigns the secret societies 
of the Banks Group and, by extension throughout the area of matri- 
lineal culture, of the Fijian nanga. Before this determination can 
meet with whole acceptance it will be necessary to consider the Poly- 
nesian culture in this respect, for it is not to be denied that the Poly- 
nesians represent the highest attainment of that culture group. With 
the exception of the arioz of Tahiti we have no information as to the 
existence of any fixed body within the community which might be 
regarded as a society in the restricted and technical sense here involved, 
and even in the case of these joyous pagans we find naught of ritual 
and arcana which might suggest the society structure. Such being 
the case, it is difficult to accept this assignment of the societies to the 
kava culture, for it is inconceivable that a ritual observance should 
have persisted when the whole purpose of the ritual has vanished so 
completely as not to leave a trace. 


138 SISSANO. 


IQr. Rivers notes (p. 130) that kava requires prolonged preparation. 
This is, of course, only comparative. My experience has been in 
Samoa, where the practice is made graceful by fine details of courtesy, 
that the preparation of kava, from the presentation by the guest of 
the dried root to the clapping of hands which establishes satisfaction 
with the strength of the infusion, consumes about 30 minutes. 

Our author touches (p. 131) upon the portage of the ingredients of 
sirih-chewing. This engages directly with my suggestion (The Poly- 
nesian Wanderings, 139) of crop colonies. ‘There is nothing inherent 
in the nature of the betel-pepper plant which would operate to pre- 
clude its carriage from one such port of call to the next, where it might 
be again cultivated to maturity and to fresh transport beyond. ‘The 
difficulty is still less in the case of the areca nut. The seed, the por- 
tion which must inevitably be carried by the wanderers, since that 
is the part which alone is utilized in sirih-chewing, would at once 
suggest itself for planting in communities where the tree was not 
indigenous. The seed might be carried for at least a year, many seeds 
in small compass, for its germinating power would endure much longer 
than that period, and we must remember that in the conditions of 
such folk migration-the actual time spent at sea was measured by no 
more than a week beyond the amount of water which could be carried 
in a canoe and the longest time between semi-permanent stops (those 
necessitated for revictualing) was equally limited by the impractica- 
bility of transporting with the voyagers in any canoe any considerable 
supply of staple vegetable food. 

Continuing the theme, Dr. Rivers (p. 131) advances the supposition 
that the leaf of the pepper was first chewed and then the root was 
selected as producing more distinct results. JI have experimented 
with both of the peppers involved in these two cultures. As to the 
kava pepper (Piper methysticum) I can report that the leaf contains 
in no appreciable degree the principle potent in the root, whether dry 
or undried. The leaf, somewhat succulent, contains an appreciable 
amount of sap, its flavor is almost wholly that of raw collenchyma, 
much as in the leaf of the cabbage, and, while there is a slight sugges- 
tion of pungency of the pepper type, it is far milder that that of the root 
of the radish. ‘The root, on the other hand, while not more pungent 
or peppery than the radish, produces almost instantaneously an effect 
upon the mucosa of the mouth which is most comparable with the 
effect of a dose of magnesia; and this sensation extends even beyond 
the region actually in contact with the root chewed and in no long 
time is noticed as far as the pharynx, even though in the operation 
of chewing kava preparatory to maceration particular pains are taken 
to avoid even the slightest deglutition, in order that the comminuted 
root may be most practically ptyalized. The sirih leaf (Piper betle) 
has practically the same flavor as that of the kava pepper. For 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 139 


itself it would scarcely be chosen, but in combination with the areca 
nut it is surely effective as an excipient and, so far as judgment may 
be based upon mere buccal testimony unsupported by chemical analy- 
sis, probably it has much value as an adjuvant. I have tested each 
of the three chief ingredients of the sirih quid, the lime and the areca 
and the betel singly, and also each combination of two elements. By 
itself or in combination with the lime the betel leaf amounts to noth- 
ing. By itself or in combination with the lime the areca nut lacks 
defined flavor; one is engaged in masticating a dry mass of woody 
fiber to no particular profit or pleasure. ‘The addition of the sirih 
to the areca develops a flavor which neither had singly and the com- 
pletion of the mess by adding the lime serves only to accent this 
conjoint flavor without appearing to add any new modifier of its own. 
I shall not attempt to set in verbal order the taste of sirih-chewing; 
to me it is objectionable; yet experience proves that its use will allay 
the sense of hunger when meals are too widely spaced. 

Continuing this note, Dr. Rivers cites the existence of sirih in 
various parts of Polynesia. I have grave doubts of this. In the 
Marquesas Bishop Dordillon defines kavakava-atua merely as poivrier 
sauvage, which is neutral as to the point involved. In Nukuoro this 
composite form is used of Piper methysticum. In Tahiti avaava-atua 
is not recorded in Bishop Tepano Jaussen’s dictionary, but he exhibits 
as the only identified variety avaavairai (Piper latifolium). In Samoa 
we have ‘ava‘ava-atua and ‘ava‘ava-aitu as synonyma for various species 
of pepper (Piper latifolium, P. puberulum, P. insectifugum). No dic- 
tionary of Polynesian speech includes the betel pepper. 

Incidentally and in a by-path we should note the use of sago in 
Tikopia (p. 132). This is the characteristic food of Melanesia, just 
as the yam in certain regions and the taro in others are Polynesian 
staples. Its use in Tikopia is quite as much a trace of Melanesian 
culture advance on the forgotten Polynesian community as is the sirih- 
chewing. It is interesting to recall that in Fiji the use of sago was 
so completely out of mind that when Dr. Seeman discovered the tree 
and commented upon its food value the Fijians were wholly unaware 
of the method of washing out the fecula from its pith. 

The list of material objects which Dr. Rivers presents as characteriz- 
ing the culture of the kava people shows distinctly that grave diffi- 
culty will confront us in the effort to adjust the great Polynesian race 
to a position of membership among the kava people, by him defined 
as the hypothetical body of immigrants who introduced the use of 
this substance. The material objects which he is led to associate 
with the body of cultural possession or attainment denominated by 
its most distinctive object, the kava infusion (p. 135), may conven- 
iently be restated: kava, shell-money, the pig, the fowl, the bow and 
arrow, the wooden gong, the conch shell, the fillet, the cycas. Poly- 


140 SISSANO. 


nesian culture possesses of these the kava, in greater extent and 
involving more formal courtesy but completely lacking the ritual 
character observed in parts of its Melanesian occurrence. It has the 
pig, but merely as a food article; in parts of Polynesia, e. g., Samoa, 
there is a bad connotation and the name is indecorous and must be 
replaced by a periphrasis such as four-legged animal. It has the 
fowl, also as food and lacking position in the myths, except that in 
Samoa a probably modern and quite etiological myth attempts to 
explain the obvious and misleading Sa-moa as the place of hens. It 
has the wooden gong in two forms varying in size, one portable by 
hand, the other requiring a rest upon logs on the town green, each form 
being of the same type of a hollowed piece of hard wood resonant under 
percussion. It has the conch shell pierced for use as a trumpet, but I 
have no knowledge of its employment for other than signal purposes. 

Shell money has no existence in any of the Polynesian settlements. 
I have used the monetary term which has come into use for conven- 
ience, but I do not assume here to come to a decision as to its cur- 
rency import. The resemblance between the diwarra, to employ one 
of the Melanesian names which has acquired some frequency of use, 
and the wampum of the eastern American Indians, particularly 
Iroquoian and by later extension Algonkian, is one of those obvious 
things which lead us into error. ‘The strings of light and dark disks 
of shell in the western Pacific look like the strings of light and dark 
shell which constituted the familiar wampum. Inasmuch as wampum 
was known as a currency medium, and to that extent a money, it 
was easy to apply to the Melanesian strings the designation shell- 
money. Professor Frank Gouldsmith Speck, of the Department of 
Anthropology of the University of Pennsylvania, has established 
(lecture yet unpublished) that the currency employment of wampum 
is of extremely late development and that it was not Indian in origin, 
but was engrafted upon the ceremonial and mnemonic use of the 
material by contact with the Dutch settlers of the New Netherlands. 
If, therefore, the currency value of the source of this suggestion is 
disposed of as an excrescence, we may remain in doubt as to the 
currency value of the Melanesian shell-money. In my acquaintance 
with the use of the strings of shell disks in Melanesia I have never 
been satisfied that they serve the end of a circulating medium or money 
of account. The bow and arrow is scarcely to be held critical of a 
distinction between Polynesians and Melanesians. It is clear that 
the Melanesians employ it as a weapon of offense; it is equally clear 
that its use is excessively rare in the regions of uncontaminated Poly- 
nesian culture. We find it in full use in Fiji; in Tonga it was employed 
in the purely aleatory sport of rat-shooting; in Samoa and Tahiti it 
was a toy; the same is true of bows reported by Schmelz from the 
Tuamotu and by Friederici from Mangareva, both almost at the 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 141 


extreme eastern limit of Polynesian settlement. In Easter Island, 
the ultimate of the Polynesian movement eastward, I find the arrow 
designated by vero, but as that word in general means a spear or 
lance, that is, properly a pointed weapon of offense which may be 
thrust forward but retained in the hand as a lance or may be cast as 
a missile spear, and since the word for bow is missing and there is 
found no such word as fana which elsewhere designates the shooting 
of the arrow, this incomplete record may be neglected. ‘The fillet is 
one of the obvious conveniences of life when the hair is worn long 
and on that account it is misleading as a culture character. 

In connection with the secret societies of Melanesia it is clear that 
the fillet has some ritual value. Dr. Rivers (History of Melanesian 
Society, 446) writes: “‘It is possible that the fillet of the Banks and 
Tikopia is a survival of such an elaborate head covering (the caps of 
the terminalia statues of Easter Island), in which case we should 
have another link between the ritual of secret societies and megalithic 
monuments.’ It is a far cry from a mere hair snood to a high hat, 
and when we carry it beyond to the megalithic monuments of the 
Pacific we stray in a mist of conjecture. The cycas is physically 
present in the vegetable kingdom of Polynesia; it has its textile use; 
but nowhere do we find any ritual connotation of any sort and even 
in Melanesia such connotation is narrowly restricted to a single group 
of secret societies. 

We now recur to a consideration of the spread of the two culture 
objects which have prompted this long and intricate excursus, the 
betel and the kava. Our culture chart presents to the eye the prin- 
cipal areas of each of these cultures, the point of overlapping and 
slightly of intermingling lies in the central region of Melanesia. 
Sirih-chewing has a wide rearward extent. We can find it on the 
Asiatic continent in India; it covers the whole of Indonesia; it extends 
eastward in Melanesia along the Solomon Islands, with a small area 
at the south as yet unoccupied; it has made in Tikopia at least one 
inclusion of Polynesian people. The impression which we obtain 
from the study of the chart, from our own acquaintance of the move- 
ment forward in the Solomons to communities which within the 
memory of men had not yet acquired the habit, is of a custom which 
is steadily progressing. Because it comes later in the known path 
of migration, because in the vital instance of Tikopia we see it ousting 
the former kava custom, we look upon it as a modern habit, relatively, 
_ that is, to the great Polynesian migration swarming. The kava cul- 
ture area presents an entirely different picture. Its intensity is 
deepest at the forward edge of movement; its rearward edge shows 
ragged persistence in the Melanesian area over which the migration 
has passed; we find in Tikopia a survival yielding before the advance 
of sirih-chewing; we find another such survival in Matankor of the 


142 SISSANO. 


Admiralty Group; it is likely that in the islands of the Polynesian 
Verge, where in the chart a space is left blank, there is another sur- 
vival. Sirih-chewing has its strong central body in Indonesia, it has 
in Melanesia an active and conquering advance guard; kava-drinking 
has its strength in Polynesia; in Melanesia it has nothing but a rear 
guard of weakness; and wherever the two come into combat it is the 
sirih which overwhelms. We regard the Indonesians as prime carriers 
of the sirih culture; at least we may say confidently that in every 
most distant region reached by Indonesians sirih-chewing is estab- 
lished. We do not regard the Indonesians as necessary for the portage 
of Indonesian custom to the extreme limit of the sirih area, there can 
be no trace of Indonesian origin in the sirih of Tikopia. But habits 
have a way of spreading, bad habits particularly. We know of no 
great voyages of Malayan peoples east of New Guinea, but we do 
know of many small voyages of social interchange, mostly war, 
between minor settlements of folk along the track from New Guinea 
eastward; such things are constantly taking place. We can readily 
conceive of a western hamlet which has received the sirih from Indo- 
nesians at first hand communicating it to the next eastern hamlet as 
a new thing, a satisfactory thing; therefore on the one score attractive 
to experiment with and on the other score valuable to hold. It com- 
municates to the next, and still along new territory, always increasing 
the area in regions far ahead of the possibility of direct transmission 
from its source. I have seen exactly that method of translation in 
the case of Solomon Islanders and have witnessed the extension of 
the area. Dr. Rivers has recorded a similar case in Tikopia. 

The spread of kava is in different plight. In its eastern extension 
it has been wholly in the possession of Polynesian people; therefore 
we are under no necessity of differentiating the Polynesians and the 
more extended group to which Dr. Rivers has assigned the designation 
kava people. The kava people from Samoa to Hawaii and Tahiti 
are Polynesians and nothing else. ‘Through those regions of southern 
Melanesia, the New Hebrides complex, where we find kava we find 
such considerable linguistic traces as to warrant us in the conclusion 
that Polynesian migration has been commorant in those islands for 
periods of uncertain yet of considerable duration. With this lin- 
guistic picture clearly before our view we are under no need of looking 
for other than Polynesian carriers of the custom, if indeed it were not 
also a possession of such prior Melanesian population as that which 
Dr. Rivers denominates the dual people. In the northern region of 
Melanesia, principally the Solomon Islands, where our linguistic 
trace is even more strongly drawn, yet where the kava custom is all 
but absent, we have in Dr. Rivers’s narrative a brilliant and cogent 
explanation of the vanishing of what may have been the older custom 
before the newer and more stimulating, therefore more satisfactory, 
habit; and in this same region we find the actual stage of transition. 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 143 


Tangled as the problem may appear at the first and even at the 
second view, the clue may be threaded out. We find the kava cus- 
tom in the possession of the people at present the sole and slightly, 
if at all, contaminated inhabitants of Polynesia. We have been able 
to trace through linguistic survivals the tracks of their migration; we 
have established their ancient occupancy of Indonesia, their traverse 
through Melanesia, their present possession of Polynesia. In Poly- 
nesia we find the complete, in Melanesia the partial, sway of the kava 
custom; in Indonesia the complete absence thereof and the equally 
complete dominance of sirih-chewing. In the treatment of this 
material Dr. Rivers shows that it is impossible to account for kava as 
introduced from Polynesia into Melanesia, and in this decision I am 
wholly at one with him upon the grounds which he adduces and upon 
others which have not come within the scope of his investigation. In 
general he inclines to regard the origin of kava as Melanesian in some 
sort, as there assumed by the wandering Polynesians and transported 
along their eastward course. In this direction he is led most strongly 
by two observed factors—the commonly ritual and religious employ- 
ment of kava in Melanesia, its complete absence in Indonesia. The 
latter of these will be included in our further discussion of the problem. 
The former seems to me to clear itself up. If we look upon primal 
Melanesia as inhabited by peoples ignorant of the kava custom, if 
we introduce thereto in the migration movement the greatly superior 
Polynesian culture carrying the kava custom, we should look to find 
the Melanesians adopting somewhat timorously, on the established 
principle of omne ignotum pro magnifico, this distinctive custom of 
the strange and conquering race. It would then be natural to find 
this custom surrounded by evidences of the respect which the superior 
Polynesians had won for themselves and all that was theirs; we should 
find the foreign custom restricted to chiefs, to religious ceremonies, to 
the mysteries of the secret societies; and these are precisely the 
Melanesian restrictions upon kava. 

The assignment of a strictly Melanesian source of kava is not 
sufficient to account for the spread of that culture through the Pacific. 
I have set forth two migration swarms out of Indonesia into the 
Pacific—the Proto-Samoan the elder, the junior Tongafiti, separated 
within the mixing area of Nuclear Polynesia by a considerable lapse 
of time, and I have made it clear that while the Proto-Samoan course 
lay along the island chains of Melanesia in two somewhat distinct 
streams, the Samoa stream up the wind and the Viti stream to lee- 
ward, the linguistic record makes it plain that the Tongafiti course 
lay entirely outside of Melanesia. In Nuclear Polynesia we have 
had considerable success in distinguishing these two migrations, and 
in this distinction we have found each to be in possession of the kava 
custom. It would be impossible to assign a Melanesian origin to the 


144 SISSANO. 


( 

Tongafiti kava, since that migration had had no communication with 
Melanesia. Wehave not been able to lay out the early track of Tongafiti 
migration, except in this particular of Melanesian exclusion. I have 
suggested that it is possible that such careful examination of the speech 
material of Micronesia as we have been able to expend upon the 
speech material of Melanesia may reveal the traces of Tongafiti 
entrance into the Pacific by an equatorial or northern traverse. It 
is at this point proper to note that in Micronesia we have the kava 
custom more or less widely extended, and in this case intercommunica- 
tion with Melanesia is expressly contraindicated. 

We have botanical evidence of the existence of the physical basis of 
the kava custom in Indonesia; the Piper methysticum is reported from 
several islands, although it is not now in use. ‘The conditions of the 
problem are most satisfactorily met by assuming the origin of the kava 
custom among the Proto-Polynesians during their residence in Indo- 
nesia anterior to the Christian era, and further assuming its expulsion 
therefrom in the company of its addicts by the sirih-chewing Malayan 
invaders. From this source we can see the Proto-Samoan migrants 
carrying the kava custom through Melanesia (this without prejudice 
to a possible independent development of a kava usage in Melanesia, 
which would be neutral so far as regards our greater problem), and 
we can suggest for later determination the explanation of Tongafiti 
migrants carrying the kava custom into such subdivisions of Micro- 
nesia aS we know to practice it. We have already bestowed consider- 
able attention upon the advance of sirih-chewing upon peoples addicted 
to the kava custom. By combining these two elements, the older 
and the more modern customs, we shall find an explanation of the 
present distribution of sirih and kava which seems to entail no serious 
difficulty at any point. 

gi. suk nose. 


39. iru Bahasa, Ambon, Kolon. 54. ison East Ceram. 
40. hiru Bahasa, Ambon. 55. lisu Bahasa. 
41. irun Minahassa. 56. iri Bahasa, Ambon. 
42. irung Java. 57. ili Bahasa, Ambon. 
43. idung = Java. 58. ileng Bontoc Igorot. 
44. inu North Ceram. 59. nien Buru. 
45. niru North Ceram, Allor, Mina- | 60. nieni Buru. 
hassa. 61. ninin East Ceram. 
46. nirun-- Kei. 62. uruna Malagasy. 
47. ngirung Minahassa. 63. urong  Dyak. 
48. ngilung Minahassa. 64. kamuru Macassar. 
49. ngijung Celebes Alfuro. 65. ngunu  MHalmaheira. 
50. ilu Bima. 66. nunu Ternate. 
51. nilunu’ Kei, Banda. 67. usnut Gani. 
52. ninu Bahasa. 68. soong Subanu. 
53. ninura Ambon. 69. nge Buru. 


The Indonesian material shows the same interlacing of isu and 
usu forms as in Melanesia and at the edges of Polynesia in Viti and 
Kapingamarangi, the isu type being represented by the forms 
39-55, the usu by 62-68. In this speech area we find a significant 
group of transition, or at least intermediate, forms in which the vowel 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 145 


framework is of the type i-i or i-e as shown in the forms 56-6r. 
Common to Indonesia and Melanesia are the forms iru (39 and 8) 
and ilu (50 and 9), and close similarity is exhibited in many other 
forms. 

The stem consonant s remains unchanged in Indonesia far less 
frequently than we have found it in Melanesia; it is found in 54, 55, 
67, and 68, of which the last-cited displays an anomaly. A mutation 
from weak to strong is observed in the passage to din 43. In general 
it shows a greater tendency to weakening than has been the case in 
Melanesia. We find mutation to the liquids quite common, to r in 
39-42, 45-47, 56, and 62-64; to 1 in 48, 50, 51, 57,and 58. Mutation 
to the nasals, a brief step short of the liquids, is found to n in 44, 52, 
53, 61, 65, and 66. ‘The mutation to j (y) in 49 is in the direction of 
extinction and forms a ready bridge to the loss of the stem consonant 
in 59, 60, and possibly 69. The prefaces, of equal application to isu 
and usu forms, are such as we have seen in Melanesia, n in 45, 46, 
51-53, 59-61, and 66; ng in 47-49, 65 and 69; 1 in 55; and in addition 
the aspirate in 40. The form 55 lisu is of peculiar moment, because 
we are able to trace it on the line of transit through the Dampier- 
Vitiaz Strait (30 Tami) along the very interesting southern Solomon 
region as far as Maewo in the New Hebrides. Final consonants 
occur as n in 41, 46, 54, 59, and 61; ng, in 42, 43, 47-49, 58, and 63. 
We have added syllables na in 62, ni in 60, nu in 51, ra in 53. 

While there is a wide variety of forms in the three language areas, 
the mutation system is readily acceptable, and the isu and usu 
types are so satisfactorily spaced along the migration track that we 
can feel convinced of the substantial unity within the variety of this 
word. 

gg. tenan mother. 


28. tinan Klemantan. 36 inana_ Bouton. 
29. tinano Rumbia. 37. inany Menado, Dorey. 
30. tiwano Maronene. 38. inangi Sanguir. 
31. ina Sassac. 39. inano Mengkoka. 
32. ina Subanu, Bontoc lIgorot, | 40. inadnu) Muna. 
Teor, Kolon, Bima, Am- | 41. inamo_ Kayeli. 
blaw, Liang, Lariko, Sapa- | 42. inao Morella, Batumerah. 
rua, Caimarian, Awaiya, | 43. inau Teluti. 
Wahai. 44. neina Wayapo, Massaratty. 
33. inai Klemantan, Ahtiago. 45. aina obo. 
34. inahan Visayan. 46. nina Gah, Matabello. 
35. guina  Subanu. 47. nin Mysol. 


We have here no material additional to that which has been recorded 
in the consideration of the word in connection with its appearance 
in the Subanu. In Indonesia we find but three forms which preserve 
the t of the Polynesian which enters so largely into Melanesian use, 
but these three quite suffice for purposes of identification. All other 
Indonesian forms are readily discoverable in Melanesia except 45 
aina and 47 nin, forms which are substantially established by Indore- 
sian resemblances. 


SISSANO. 


‘ 100. tin membrum virile. 


19. uti Rotti, Timor, Ambon, Ceram, | 23. utien Tuburuasa. 
Gorontalo, Bunda, Subanu. 24. butu) Lombok. 

20. wuti Gorontalo, Bunda. 25. wota Savu, Sumba. 

21. otin Visayan, Tagalog. 26. us Karas. 

22. Oti Bontoc Igorot. 27 UE Lamotrek. 


The particular interest of this list lies in 27 Lamotrek ul. It is 
not Indonesian but Micronesian, and occupies a most important 
position in the understanding of the Polynesian vocables. We find 
in Viti the uti form with a straight chain of migration from Indone- 
sia throughout Melanesia. But the Polynesian form is ule. ‘The 
occurrence of ul in Micronesia is a landmark of migration through 
the equatorial Pacific, such as I have suggested as the probable track 
of Tongafiti movement out of Indonesia. Although uti and ule 
here represent different stages of migration and totally different 
paths, the two forms fall into association, for the mutation I+t or 
t-l is frequently found. We are therefore justified in holding the t 
forms the older and in regarding ule as a later development, possibly 
at some point after the Tongafiti left Indonesia upon that little-dis- 
coverable course which led them into reunion with the earlier mi- 
grants of their own people in Nuclear Polynesia. 


1o1. tO sugar cane. 


26. tebu) Malay. 
27. tobu) Ambon. 
28. tob Makian, Vier Radja. 


29. towu. Barée Toradja, 
To Mori. 
30. tohu) Ambon. 


To Bungku, 


Except for the slight vowel change in Malay, these Indonesian 
forms are in accord with those which we have recorded from Melanesia 
and from Fiji. Interest attaches to 29 towu and 30 tohu as show- 
ing that even so far away as Indonesia there is a tendency to the 
reduction toward the quite general Polynesian to. 


I1O. VUS rain. 


46. oha Bolanghitam. 62. huran- Baju 
47. usan Kayan. 3. haran  Lariko. 
48. uan Gah. 64. urana Ceram. 
49. huya Sula. 65. hurani ‘Teor. 
50. ulah Amblaw. 66. orana Malagasy. 
51. ulan Gani, Wahai, Salu, Timor, | 67. urano Ambon. 
Tobo, Ambon, Ceram, | 68. urang Bugis. 
Makian. 69. urong  Salibabo. 
52. olan Visayan. 70. udjan Togean, Minahassa. 
53. hulan Liang, Morella. 71. Utchan Chamorro. 
54. ulane  Awaiya, Ambon. 72. Otjan Bontoc Igorot. 
55. ulani Kayeli, Caimarian. 73. hujan Malay, Sandol. 
56. hulani Batumerah. 74. uda Kaili, Minahassa. 
57. ulano Minahassa. 75. udan Rotti, Minahassa, Bontoc 
58. ulanu- Bual. Igorot. 
59. ura Ende. 76. hudan Java. 
60. hura Galela. 77. udama_ Matabello. 
61. uran Tidore, Pampanga, Solor, | 78. ut Mille. 


Sikka, Minahassa, Ambon, 
Ceram. 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 147 


In this Indonesian assemblage we discover the Proto-Polynesian 
uha in practically unmodified form in 46 oha, the reformed meta- 
thetic Rotuma was in 47 usan, the common Polynesian ua in 48 
uan, and 49 huya is but lightly differenced therefrom. This Proto- 
Polynesian type may be traced without much confusion in a com- 
prehensive chain throughout Melanesia into Nuclear Polynesia and 
thence eastward by purely Polynesian migration movements. ‘The 
remaining Indonesian forms are almost wholly variant forms of a con- 
sistent series of development by the mutation of the central consonant 
from h onward. From 50 to 69 the change is a mutation to the liquid 
semivowels I-r; this mutant occurs sparsely in Melanesia (14-17) on 
the north shore of New Guinea at Mandam, somewhat inland on the 
south shore of the great southeastern peninsula of that island, off the 
south shore of Neu-Pommern, at Buka and Bougainville at the north 
of the Solomons, and widely removed at Gog in the northernmost 
New Hebridean complex. It suggests the traverse through the 
Dampier-Vitiaz exit with a rearward coastal movement to the Rubi 
locus. A strengthening mutation to the mute of the lingual series d 
is found in 74-77, a variant which is absent from Melanesia. ‘The 
intermediate mutation to dj (70-72) appears only in 13 Guadalcanar 
utha, and that may be a secondary development from another 
mutant form. We are therefore justified in the decision that in the 
general migration through Melanesia it was only the uha type that 
was transported, that the Polynesians left Indonesia before mutation 
had begun, and that a much later partial migration in the former 
track after corruption had set in is responsible for the slight trace of 
the ura type. I have included the ut from Mille as showing that 
the migration eastward along the equator carried to Micronesia a 
later form of evolution and thus indicates the relatively modern 
period of Tongafiti migration. 


115. wesch paddle. 


75. fosa East Ceram. 77. bogsay Visayan. 
76. bosoi Celebes Alfuro. 78. fohe Subanu. 


We are still left with a paucity of Indonesian material, but these 
forms show that Polynesians left behind them here, as all along their 
Melanesian traverse, evidence of the early fohe type of stem. 


116. wok boat. 


42. waga Wayapo, Massaratty, Buru. | 47. bangca Visayan, Pampanga. 

43. waha Tobo. 48. fangka Bontoc Igorot. 

44. waa Kayeli, Amblaw. 49. bunka Bouton. 

45. haka Liang, Morella, Batume- | 50. wanga Bolaang, Mongondou. 
rah, Bahasa. 51. wangkang Malay, Macassar. 

46. banca Tagalog. 52. wog Gani. 


This not only preserves the history of the stem in Indonesia, but 
enables us to reconstruct the primitive form. This offers an unsus- 
pected glimpse at the beginning of Polynesian phonetics. 


148 SISSANO. 


In the present stage of Polynesian speech we find only the surd 
of the palatal mutes, and we observe that a tendency is strongly 
marked to drop this k in many of the languages. That the kappa- 
tion of the t is in many cases succeeding this extinction of the k may 
be taken as evidence of the long existence of this movement to drop 
the palatal. If the Proto-Polynesian vocable had been vaka we 
should expect to find in later forms only vaka and vaa, for this 
consonant entails no difficulty to those who have retained it. In this 
comprehensive survey of the history of the word in the three language 
areas the Fijian now for the first time affords a clue to the past. It 
employs the form wangga, in which we see the sonant mute g pre- 
faced by the nasal of its own series, a mechanical device with which 
we have become quite familiar in the course of these studies. The 
Viti possesses the surd k and finds no difficulty in its employment. 
Accordingly if the vocable in the form in which it was brought to 
Fiji had been vaka we should find waka in Viti. But the Fijian 
has shown himself particularly sedulous in preserving the sounds of 
speech importations, even when they involved consonants quite 
unfamiliar to the usage of his own phonetics. Here we have evidence 
that by his characteristic method of employing the serial nasal pre- 
face the Fijian has done his best to preserve the sonant g alien to his 
speech and has succeeded with most interesting results. This shows 
clearly that the word when brought to Fiji was vaga. From this 
we may argue that Proto-Polynesian was in possession of the sonant 
g, that finding it objectionable the early members of the family 
allowed it to become surd k, and that in later times the same objec- | 
tion to the palatal mute led to its extinction, a process which is still 
operative in living tongues of the family. With this clue from Viti 
we can trace the same movement in Indonesia (46-51) and in Mel- 
anesia (14-15, 17, 19-20, 34-35, and 39). ‘The original stem vaga is 
preserved in Indonesia in 52, and in Melanesia is of very frequent 
occurrence. 

CHECK-LIST OF INDONESIAN LANGUAGES. 


The subdivisions of Indonesia are in no sort in this finding list governed by any scheme 
of linguistic provinces, for the determination of such a distinction has yet to be made. 
Here no object is sought but that of geographical convenience. I have accordingly made 
a division into five general parts as indicated by the following initials. The western 
division denoted by W includes Sumatra, Java, and Bali with the Malay language. The 
central region, C, comprises Borneo and Celebes. ‘The eastern division, E, includes the 
islands between Celebes and the coast of New Guinea, principally Sula, Ceram, Banda 
and Gilolo or Halmaheira. ‘The northern division, N, consists of the Philippines with the 
Sulu Archipelago as a purtenance. The southern division, S, includes the chain from 
Lombok to Timor Laut. 


INDONESIAN ANNOTATIONS ON THE VOCABULARY. 


Ahtiago 
Ake Selaka 
Alfuro 
Allor 
Amblaw 
Amboyna 
Aru 

Asililu 
Atjeh 
Awaiya 


Bagobo 
Bahasa tanah 
Baju 

Bali 
Baliyon 
Banda 
Banka 
Bara 

Barée 
Basakrama 
Batak 
Batavia 
Batjan 
Batumerah 
Bentenan 
Beu 

Bicol 
Billiton 
Binue 
Bobongko 
Bolaang 
Bolanghitam 
Bonfia 
Borneo 
Bouton 
Brissi 

Bual 

Bugis 

Buli 
Bunda 
Buru 


Caimarian 
Celebes 
Ceram 
Champa 


Dorey 
Dyak 


Ende 
Flores 


Gah 
Galela 
Galoli 
Gani 
Gilolo 
Goram 
Gorontalo 


Onno ©» OSM ZHOn HOKO COOHKOOO 42 Oa ZsONSNOSONZ Heo 


Halmaheira 
Hila 
Huamual 
Hukumina 


Igorot 
Tlocan 


Java 


Jobi 


Kaibobu 
Kaili 
Kaioa 
Kawi 
Kayan 
Kayeli 

Kei 

Kissa 
Klemantan 


Lampong 
Landak 
Lariko 
Liang 
Lobo 
Loda 
Lombok 
Lubu 


Macassar 
Madura 
Magindano 
Mame 
Manatolo 
Massaratty 
Matabello 
Matu 
Menado 
Menangkabau 
Minahassa 
Mindanao 
Mindoro 
Moluccas 
Mongondou 
Morella 
Moro 
Mysol 


Napu 
Nusalaut 


Ombay 


Palamata 
Pampanga 
Pangasinan 
Pani 
Patani 
Patasiwa 
Piru 


mn 


tht zat wow wo ey AZzos0o HY ZeO0 20H BHOe OVO B Me ZZ BSS 


Ponosakan 
Punan 


Roni 
Rotti 


Salayer 
Salibabo 
Sandol 
Sanguir 
Saparua 
Sarawak 
Saru 
Sassac 
Savu 
Serwatti 
Silong 
Sirang 
Siwa 
Solor 
Subanu 
Sula 
Sulu 
Sumatra 
Sumbawa 
Sunda 


Tagalog 
Teluti 

Teor 
‘Ternate 
Teto 
Tettum 
Tidore 
Timor 
Tiruray 
Tobelo 
Tobo 
Togean 
Tomaku 
Tombulu 
Tondano 
Tonsawang 
Tonsea 
‘Tontemboan 
Toradja 
Tringanu 


Udjir 


Vaiqueno 
Visayan 


Wahai 
Waigiou 
Watu Bela 
Wayapo 
Weeda 
Wetta 
Wokam 


149 


Zo BH SQOQOCOCOCOHONMZYROUONANA SVSEAZHZYH BAYH ONOHQO OO YH 20 


les ReBeotesbesbesbes! 


1 
mM 


CHAPTER VI. 
GEOGRAPHY OF THE MIGRATIONS. 


When we essay to set upon charts of the island regions the linguistic 
data presented in the foregoing chapters, we find our studies clarified 
in certain particulars and complicated in yet others. In the course 
of these studies every one of the vocables developed in the examina- 
tion of the Sissano material has been entered on large-scale charts 
of Indonesia and of Melanesia respectively. ‘These results have 
been checked by similar graphic entry of all the vocables discussed in 
“The Polynesian Wanderings” and in ‘‘The Subanu.” It results, 
therefore, that we have delineated in terms of geography the great 
bulk of that element of one or more languages of Polynesia which can 
be identified as common with one or more languages of Indonesia, 
and for the most part which has been discovered in languages of 
Melanesia. These individual charts have been consolidated for the 
establishment of the more general and characteristic tracks of speech 
movement and are now open for discussion. 

Before engaging our attention with the tracks of speech movement 
it will be well to devote our attention to the cultural areas of Melan- 
esia. So far as relates to the present investigation we assume the 
practical uniformity of the culture of Indonesia and of Polynesia. 
It is true that in many particulars each of these areas exhibits con- 
siderable variety of social order and its manner and custom is by no 
means uniform, but in the present study our purpose will best be 
served by assuming two practically uniform societies, and by exam- 
ining the intervening Melanesian area as the field whereupon we 
shall observe the interchange of these diverse cultures. 

Because the social order of Melanesia is as yet too scantily known 
we can not work surely in dissecting out purely Melanesian material. 
But we must bear in mind that Melanesia, before it fell under the 
influence of Polynesian culture at one period and of Indonesian 
culture at another and probably much later period, surely had at 
least one culture group of its own. In the present state of our infor- 
mation there is a suggestion at least worthy of consideration that 
three somewhat distinct cultures have occupied diverse regions in 
Melanesia. Quite provisionally and merely for convenience I propose 
the subdivision into Buka culture as designating the social state of 
the northern Solomons and the eastern Bismarck Archipelago; Solo- 
mon culture for the southern Solomons and adjacent islands; New 
Hebridean culture for southern Melanesia. It is very doubtful that 
the culture of New Caledonia and the adjacent Loyalty Islands may 
be included in the proximate New Hebridean culture; there seems 
something far more archaic and certainly far less mixed with alien 


I5I 


152 SISSANO. 


culture elements, and it may prove that this extreme southern region 
will fall into a group of its own. It is equally clear that in southeast 
New Guinea and in the western Bismarck Archipelago we have a 
culture which differs from that of the Buka. On the north coast of 
New Guinea we find an interlacing of cultures, some of which may 
be assignable to Melanesian. In the southeast Ray has set forth a 
dual system of Melanesian and Papuan. ‘This is good as far as it 
goes, but his Melanesian of British New Guinea will need further 
study before we may feel sure of its association with the Melanesian 
of other regions. 

Thus it will be seen that we are not in position to postulate any- 
thing like a consistent Melanesian culture upon which has been over- 
laid the alien cultures of Polynesia and Indonesia respectively. We 
look rather for several somewhat discrete cultures in Melanesia as 
persisting under the foreign veneer and at times protruding through 
the overlying mass. 

In like manner, as there is variety in the subsisting base of Melane- 
sian culture, so is there diversity in the application of foreign influence. 
In general it is probably safe to characterize the application of 
Polynesian culture as direct, the product of personal contact during 
the period of the migrations; and to characterize the movement of 
the advance of Indonesian culture as a movement of convection 
where new cultural phenomena have indirectly extended in advance 
of the zone of personal contact of Melanesians with Indonesians and 
have reached new ground by the gradual spread of new material and 
moral objects. We should, then, expect to find in the Melanesian 
area at least these possibilities: one or more regions in which a Mela- 
nesian culture remains practically unmodified by alien accretion; 
regions in which Melanesian cultures have been modified by Polyne- 
sian culture. Such would be the condition throughout Melanesia 
after the Polynesian migration era and before the succeeding era of 
Indonesian influence. When the Indonesian culture followed more 
slowly over a Melanesia thus conditioned we should look for three 
possibilities—a Melanesian culture still unmodified by either culture, 
a Melanesia modified by one or the other culture, a Melanesia first 
modified by Polynesian culture and then by the Indonesian and show- 
ing various degrees of intermixture and assimilation of the three 
elements. 

Such a subdivision is natural in any hypothesis. It is really a 
statement of the problem far more simple than would arise in actual 
study if we had all the data upon which to rest such an investigation. 
On this plan we should be dealing with at least five secondary stages 
of no less than three Melanesian bases, sufficient to show that the 
subdivision of Melanesia by culture areas would be a problem far 
from simple. It is by reason of this intricacy which I have sought to 


GEOGRAPHY OF THE MIGRATIONS. 150 


suggest must essentially inhere in the problem that I have restricted 
my cultural chart to a very few elements and to such only as appear 
before us with any wealth of data. 

In the cultural chart (Chart I) the division by tint distinguishes a 
culture division which beyond any doubt represents two alien cultures 
with the least possible admixture of a subsisting Melanesian culture. 
Here we have the areas of the kava culture of the Polynesians and the 
sirih culture of the Indonesians. It is botanically possible that the 
area of the culture may represent an admixture of Polynesian upon a 
Melanesian base. In a few instances noted in the linguistic discus- 
sion of this theme we may admit the persistence of Melanesian kava 
culture, but in the main this kava culture is distinctively Polynesian. 
In the area of the sirih culture we see at present nothing which might 
suggest a subsisting Melanesian culture. The Indonesian source is 
beyond doubt, even though we find the culture extended far beyond 
the direct reach of Malayan voyages. ‘The sharpness of the boundary 
between the two cultures is more graphic than real. It will be seen 
that in the geography of Melanesia we are not dealing with land- 
masses of any considerable size, but with islands which fall loosely 
into groups where canoe-sailing is possible from any point of departure 
to the next landfall immediately in view, and these groups are gener- 
ally separated by such intervening spaces of empty sea that voyaging 
must be fortuitous to navigators lacking compass and chart. 

It is only at a very few points, therefore, that this sharpness of 
boundary as set forth on the chart needs consideration. In a nega- 
tive sense two of these considerable points are in the Admiralty 
Islands north of New Guinea and the region of Vanikoro-Ticopia 
north of the New Hebrides complex, these being the sole instances 
in which is found any concurrency of the sirih and kava customs. 
As already explained, the apparent lacuna between the two cultures 
in the region of the islands of the Polynesian Verge to the east of the 
Solomon Islands is based upon mere paucity of vocabulary material; 
the probability is that these islands fall within the kava culture area. 
The only important point of a sharply drawn boundary lies in the 
southern Solomons. Here is a narrow and readily voyaged strait; on 
the windward side of it the sirih culture is fully established, to leeward 
Guadalcanar and San Cristoval lie outside of both cultures. We 
have some grounds for looking upon this leeward group as having at 
one time had the kava culture which has now passed out of memory, 
that in the advance of the sirih culture it has been passed by. 

This particular area of the southern Solomons attracts our attention 
in the consideration of another specific problem. The two problems 
do not appear associable, except in geographical community, for one 
to a certain extent appears to postulate the absence of Polynesian 
influence and the other its presence. This second problem has to do 


154 SISSANO. 


‘with the amount and quality of the Polynesian content in the lan- 
guages of Florida and Guadalcanar facing the northern seaway of 
Malanta and in the languages of San Cristoval and Ulawa facing 
Malanta’s southern seaway; to which must be added the wholly 
Polynesian communities still farther to leeward in Moiki and Moava. 

At first glance there seems to be a discrimination between the two 
regions in the two Malanta seaways which exhibit this marked amount 
and highly specific quality of Polynesian linguistic material; but 
when we assign the vocabulary material to its proper place on the 
chart this discrimination vanishes. Of some three score vocables in 
the languages of these two groups which are recognizably Polynesian 
inclusions in various Melanesian tongues we find 49 which appear in 
both seaways, 11 that are restricted to the northern channel, and but 
6 which are found in the southern channel without extending to the 
northern. The group in the northern seaway seems to have its 
center at Belaga, to extend with great frequency to Vaturanga at the 
north of Guadalcanar, with only a slightly less frequency to Bugotu 
and Ngao at the south of Ysabel, and in a markedly lower degree to 
Alite upon the nearest part of the west coast of Malanta. ‘The 
southern group forms the figure of a quadrilateral of fairly equal 
frequency on each face, the determining points being Wango and 
Fagani on San Cristoval; Saa and Bululaha on the southern tip of 
Malanta, regarded as amounting to but a single locus; Ulawa, lying 
to windward of the channel proper. Neglecting the six vocables 
which appear in the Ulawa-Wango complex without identification at 
the north, regarding with particular insistence the established direc- 
tion of Polynesian folk movement, I incline most strongly to regard 
the Belaga group as the center of speech distribution within these 
two areas. Force is added to this view by the fact that in this northern 
seaway we encounter several vocables which next appear in Nuclear 
Polynesia and appear to have come at no point into such contact with 
the peoples of the New Hebridean complex as might result in lending 
speech material. This double locus in the southern Solomons, there- 
fore, appears as a valuable point for the identification of the Samoa 
stream of Proto-Samoan migration which I have already proposed. 

In connection with this double locus in the southern Solomons we 
find an interesting check control station at Alite. So far as we may 
employ a system of examination by comparison of the quality of 
comprehensibility in the Polynesian loan material, Alite falls far 
below Ngela and Belaga. ‘This we should expect to find. The 
character of the migration of the Polynesians, small flotillas of adven- 
turous comrades keeping together for mutual protection, is such as to 
condition the results of their intercourse with Melanesians to small 
islands where their numbers and their military effectiveness would 
secure their safety during the more or less extended terms during 


GEOGRAPHY OF THE MIGRATIONS. Bis 


which they were forced to lay up for the growing of new crops as 
victual for their voyages. Alite, however, being on the mainland, 
could offer at best but an insecure halting-place, and whatever Poly- 
nesian influence might have made a lodgment would tend to oblitera- 
tion in the greater numbers of the population of the larger island, which 
would resume its sway after the passage of the intruders. 

sufficiently near to be considered in connection with this region of 
strongly marked Polynesian influence in languages distinctly Melane- 
sian, we note the occurrence of almost pure Polynesian settlement in 
Moiki and Moava, the Rennel and Bellona of the charts. We can 
not establish the origin of this settlement. If we accept the possibility 
of a migration track through Torres Strait south of New Guinea it is 
quite consistent therewith to regard Moiki and Moava as a station 
thereupon; the chief objection thereto inheres in the problems of 
navigation and canoe-sailing, and to this objection full weight must 
be given. During the trade-wind season the winds over that tract of 
sea blow most commonly from east and southeast and generally within 
that sector. From any point of departure in the mouth of Torres 
strait or at the nearest of the Louisiade Islands either of these winds 
would be a head-wind and no canoe could lay a course which would 
fetch these two islands. The same objection holds as to a possible 
migration track along the north shore of New Guinea and through 
the Dampier-Vitiaz exit with Kiriwina or Nada as a point of departure. 

No difficulties of seamanship appear when we investigate the possi- 
bility of a Moiki settlement from a highly distinct Polynesian track in 
another direction. Parallel with the northeastern aspect of the chain 
of the Solomon Islands we find at no very great distance offshore the 
islands of the Polynesian Verge, a clearly marked trace of Polynesian 
folk movement established north of the Line in Nukuoro and Kapi- 
ngamarangi, and south of the equator in Tauu, Nuguria, Nukumanu, 
Liuaniua, Sikaiana, Ticopia. We see upon the chart a very attrac- 
tive suggestion. If a straight line be laid down with one end at 
Nukumanu-Liuaniua and the other at Moiki-Moava, it will be seen 
to pass through the Solomon Islands in the fairway between Guadal- 
canar and Malanta, and this fairway is the region in which we have 
found such distinct evidence of Polynesian loan material in the lan- 
guages of Ngela, Vaturanga, and Wango. 

The mere drafting of straight lines upon charts is idle delineation 
unless the lines may be brought into correlation with known forces of 
nature. In this sea area the rhumb of the trade wind is predominantly 
east. This and other meteorological constants are available for study 
in the Pilot Charts of the South Pacific for each quarter of the year. 
It scarcely needs argument to establish the period of canoe voyages 
in the Pacific as conditioned by the prevailing fair-weather season of 
the trades and as avoiding the discomfort and peril of the rainy season 


~ 


156 SISSANO. 


of baffling winds and frequent hurricanes. Taking the Nukumanu- 
Liuaniua point of departure, the easterly trade-wind would offer the 
best point of sailing for a double canoe through the critical channel 
of the southern Solomons and thence to Moiki-Moava. This is not 
proposed as a definite solution of the problem, for it is not by any 
means a simple one, but it is offered as suggesting a possible explica- 
tion in the terms of seamanship which must underlie such migration 
as this in the Pacific conducted wholly by sea and in lumbering canoes. 

Another social boundary is laid down upon the culture chart with 
considerable approach to accuracy, this being now for the first time 
possible by reason of the careful collation which the random material 
has undergone at the hands of Dr. Rivers. The theme in this instance 
is social, the fundamental character of the family unit. The regions 
lying south and west of this line are in possession of the dual society 
in which the dominant factor of sex relation is the existence of mar- 
riage classes and the principle of exogamy. ‘The area in which this 
holds embraces New Guinea and all of Melanesia. In this, as in two 
other social elements, I have suggested a subdivision of Fiji. In this 
archipelago the line of demarcation is not to be considered as possessing 
positive geographical value; such value it may no longer be possible 
to extract from the plexus of intermingled Polynesian and Melanesian 
material in Fiji. But it does seem to me advisable to utilize this 
method of directing attention upon the fact that Viti is not to be 
regarded as wholly Melanesian in its culture any more than in its 
language. Since the windward islands show linguistically and somatic- 
ally the greater proportion of Polynesian elements, far more than 
can be charged up to the recent interchanges with Tonga which we 
know to have preceded the period of European discovery history by 
only a few generations, it has been deemed satisfactory to draw these 
lines suggestive of social demarcation north and south through the 
Koro Sea in effectively the center of the archipelago. 

Apparently as an enclave within the area of the dual society there 
exists a somewhat irregularly placed region in which we find in present 
existence or readily deducible from surviving customs a social order 
characterized concurrently by the order of matrilineal descent and 
the maintenance of the social state through confraternities accom- 
panied by more or less of the mystic and magical characters. This 
enclave includes to the north that Guadalcanar and San Cristoval 
region in which we have already particularized the absence of the 
sirih culture, and approximates the area which we have just had under 
consideration as a fairway between Liuaniua and Moiki-Moava. In 
the New Hebrides complex the enclave is heavily set upon the Banks 
Group and Torres Islands, which in certain other particulars exhibit 
points of difference from the peoples of the northern New Hebrides 
with which in general they are associable. The extension of this 


GEOGRAPHY OF THE MIGRATIONS. 157 


social area to Melanesian Fiji is not so clearly established as is the case 
in its northern and central determining points, but by inference from 
many custom survivals we are amply warranted in drawing the bound- 
ary as presented upon the accompanying chart. 

With far less accuracy of determination I have felt justified in 
delineating the line of demarcation of the pottery culture. In general 
we inay feel confident that fictile art is a Melanesian possession and is 
quite lacking to the Polynesians. But the presence of pottery is 
quite irregularly spaced within the Melanesian region. ‘The line on 
the chart is provisional only; there is a great paucity of data, and for 
many communities the evidence must be characterized as inconclu- 
sive. It is, therefore, quite certain that this boundary will require 
extensive readjustment. 

In an even higher degree this uncertainty characterizes an important 
culture determinant, the employment of the bow and arrow. I have 
not yet succeeded in differentiating the use of the bow as an offensive 
weapon (in general Melanesian) from the bow as an implement of 
sport or toy of the young (in general Polynesian but with a possible 
exception in the Tuamotu which upsets all calculations). For this 
reason I have not essayed to draw upon the culture chart the curve 
of the bow-and-arrow custom. An excellent beginning of the study 
has been published quite recently by Friederici (Ein Beitrag zur 
Kenntnis der Trutzwaffen der Indonesier, Siidseevélker und Indianer, 
Baessler-Archiv, Beiheft VII, 1915). He presents two charts covering 
Indonesia, Melanesia, and Polynesia, one for the bow and the other 
for the arrow; for the bow he outlines the geographical extension of 
bows of three types, or rather of three linguistic stems, and for the 
arrow he shows two types. 

A wholly anomalous and alien culture element makes a brief but 
distinct and positive entrance into the area under present discussion. 
On this account the curve of the loom culture is of peculiar interest. 
The art of the webster is quite absent from Polynesia; in Melanesia 
it is clearly established in Ndeni and in the northernmost of the Banks 
Group. The occurrence of the loom in islands of the Polynesian 
Verge need not be taken to militate against its absence from Poly- 
- nesian culture in general, for the weaving of Liuaniua and Nukumanu 
is to be regarded as merely establishing a migration stage of a foreign 
art. ‘The nearest locus of the textile art is in Micronesia north of the 
Line, where, in the Caroline Islands, it has attained a high develop- 
ment within certain material limits. For this reason I have decided 
to express the curve of the Verge and Melanesian occurrences of the 
loom and of woven fabrics as opening toward the north in suggestion 
of a probable derivation from the Carolines. We lack any data upon 
which to postulate communication between the Verge islands and the 
Melanesian islands, in which woven fabrics persist from such modern 


158 SISSANO. 


antiquity as is possible to delicate materials in lands where humidity 
and mildew work together to limit durability, for in these islands we 
can infer the loom only from the web. But in Nukumanu and 
Iiuaniua, as well as in other islands of the Polynesian Verge, we 
encounter a mass of legend whose interpretation looks toward some 
degree of communication with the equatorial islands by way of Kapi- 
ngamarangi. Upon this point attention is directed to the investiga- 
tions of Thilenius (Ethnographische Ergebnisse aus Melanesien, I 
Theil, Die Polynesischen Inseln an der Ostgrenze Melanesiens, Nova 
Acta, Halle, 1902). 

Before we enter upon the detailed examination of the general track 
or tracks of speech movement out of Indonesia through Melanesia 
into Polynesia we must devote particular attention to a critical area 
represented by New Guinea. ‘This great island interposes a mass of 
land in the general sweep of folk migration out of the Malay seas 
which is to be considered not so much an obstacle as a conduit. In 
the modern navigation of vessels well found and equipped with instru- 
ments of mathematical precision for their direction, New Guinea is 
an obstacle to the seaman, a region of channels tortuous through a 
tangle of hidden-dangers, a land-mass to be shunned. ‘To the primitive 
voyager in his crazy canoe, following the line of coast from headland 
to headland, completely lost when driven offshore, such a land-mass 
is a welcome aid to his navigation. Ignorant of any haven to which 
his wanderings may bring him, he is content to coast in the stiller 
waters and to follow the leadings of the shore always within his view. 
To the Proto-Polynesians under the impulse of flight out of Indonesia 
before the better-armed Malayans advancing from the west, New 
Guinea has projected itself as a wedge deep into the channel of their 
escape. In the nature of this flight there is naught which might pre- 
dispose to a course on one side of New Guinea or the other. Those 
who put to sea from the northern islands of the Malay Archipelago 
would reach the New Guinea coast at various points on its northern 
shore and would be led generally eastward under the orientation with 
which the whole course of their migration is instinct. Other bodies 
of wanderers coasting along the southern tier of Malayan islands 
would reach the New Guinea coast along the Arafura Sea and would 
be led generally eastward on their flight. Those whose flight took 
its departure from islands centrally situated in Indonesia, e. g., Celebes, 
on reaching the nearest New Guinea coast might be led in either 
direction, as determined by some condition quite narrowly local. 
W hen first encountered in the line of flight the New Guinea wedge 
produces but a slight deflection, yet in the middle course the diver- 
gence of the two streams is great. In my judgment they did not 
reu nite until many weary leagues of sea had been passed and the 
severed fleets reassembled first in Nuclear Polynesia. It is upon this 


GEOGRAPHY OF THE MIGRATIONS. 159 


judgment, itself resting upon the detailed study of speech material 
along the Melanesian chain, that in ‘The Polynesian Wanderings”’ I 
rested my conception of the two courses of migration, the Samoa 
stream and Viti stream, as denominated by their respective terminal 
points. It is possible that at a few points there may have been some 
currents leading from one current to the other; one such we shall have 
shortly to examine, but in the main the reexamination in this work of 
the earlier material with considerable additions tends to confirm my 
view as to this divarication of migration streams. 

It should be made clear at the outset that our linguistic material 
from New Guinea is as yet scanty, but as other ethnical material is 
still less available, we are forced to set our greatest reliance upon the 
comparison of languages. As between the north coast and the south 
we have about the same number of stations of speech record; yet 
there are two factors of difference which are somewhat influential 
upon the results which we may derive. It is only the north coast 
series of tongues which comes to us in any larger bulk than mere word 
lists, since for the Bongu we have a rather considerable volume of 
vocabulary. The recording stations along the north coast are so 
spaced that we are able to obtain a somewhat comprehensive view 
from Geelvink Bay to and into the Bismarck Archipelago. ‘The 
recording stations along the south coast are compactly grouped in a 
comparatively restricted area from the eastern shore of the Gulf of 
Papua to the Louisiades. This leaves us a great gap between the 
Gulf of Papua and the Arafura Sea and the southern tier of Malayan 
islands from which we have no speech records whatever. In the 
inconvenience of this fact there is nothing which argues against the 
passage of the Viti stream through Torres Strait; equally there is 
nothing confirmatory. A still more important difference between 
the speech records of the north coast and those of the south coast is 
that in the latter the Polynesian element is appreciably nearer to the 
type normal to that speech family. We are not in possession of 
sufficient material to admit of a comparison by quantity, but the 
superior quality of the southern material is immediately manifest. 

We shall best begin our examination of migration courses relative 
to New Guinea as a wedge-conduit by looking at the particular area 
in which migration tracks following along the north shore might be 
led into reunion with such as may have followed the south shore out 
from Indonesia. We may regard the Sissano-Arép lagoons as a some- 
what critical point in the northern coasting voyages. At some point 
in this vicinity the seamanship of such voyaging would lead to a 
point of departure for those fleets which under the actuation of any 
of several causes might relinquish the mere skirting of land in sight 
and put out upon the northern sea. On some such theory of diversion 
we incline to account for a certain, though not complete, element of 


160 SISSANO. 


‘ the migration track which we can discern as extending from northern 
New Guinea on the one hand and from the southern Philippines on 
the other and identified by the inclusion of Proto-Polynesian speech 
material in the northern islands of the Bismarck Archipelago. 

Of the remnant of the north New Guinea coasting stream the next 
point of diversion occurs at the Dampier-Vitiaz Straits. At this 
point it would be equally convenient for coasting fleets to continue 
southward on the coast of the semi-continental island or to set a 
short course for the channel islands, Long and Umboi (Rook). The 
fleets thus deflected from the New Guinea coast make a landfall at 
the nearest western point of Neu-Pommern, which in itself acts as a 
wedge-conduit for this migration stream. It is equally possible in 
sailing coastwise from this western point to be attracted northward 
along the shore or southward; in fact, we have quite positive evidence 
at the west point (Kilenge and Barriai) of no inconsiderable mixture 
of alien Polynesian linguistic accumulations. The evidence at present 
within reach seems to indicate the north shore of Neu-Pommern as 
the more traveled route, but on the south shore we have sufficient 
evidence (Liebliche-Inseln, Aweleng) that this route also was used. 
These divaricated migrations naturally conmingle at the eastern end 
of Neu-Pommern. It is to be held possible that the Trobriand Islands 
(Kiriwina, Murua, and Nada serving as datum points) may have 
been reached either by fleets passing southerly out of the Dampier- 
Vitiaz exit or from a secondary point of departure on the south coast 
of Neu-Pommern. 

Our particular interest here engages with the possibility of another 
branch of the north coast migrants, those who have not been attracted 
to a deflection to Long and Umboi, but who may be considered as 
having continued along the New Guinea coast of Vitiaz Strait and as 
having thus been led toward the Louisiades. 

All the available data bearing upon this branch of the north-coast 
migrants has been set down upon the accompanying charts (II to V). 
Here we see the score of vocables upon which alone it is possible to 
rest any inquiry into the use of the Vitiaz Strait as a fairway to south- 
eastern New Guinea. Scanty though the material is, it has seemed 
advisable to distinguish it upon the charts as Polynesian and Melane- 
sian, the latter term being employed without precision and as signifying 
no more than that the speech is not Polynesian and not what is at 
present classed as Papuan. In each of these charts the small rectangle 
at the upper margin is employed merely as a symbol indicative that 
the vocable has been more or less definitely established as occurring 
at one or more of the points of linguistic record along the north-coast 
line of migration. The numerals in the legend attached to the various 
lines of tracing refer to the vocabulary items in earlier chapters. 
Having subdivided the material into Polynesian and Melanesian, the 


GEOGRAPHY OF THE MIGRATIONS. 161 


still further division into specific and general clears the problem to its 
final simplicity, these terms being used to distinguish between those 
vocables traceable through the Vitiaz Strait which appear on one only 
of the shores of the great southeastern prolongation of New Guinea 
or upon both. 

We find but six vocables accredited to Melanesian tongues which 
it is possible to trace through the Dampier-Vitiaz exit. When we 
direct our attention particularly upon the northern offshore islands 
(Kiriwina, Murua, Nada) we note that one vocable comes out of the 
straits as far as Kiriwina and is not found elsewhere in the region, that 
two are recorded in Kiriwina and Murua, and that one of these appears 
also upon the north shore of the promontory; that one (Chart III) is 
met with in Kiriwina, Murua, and Nada; that its identification extends 
to Dobu in the central offshore islands; that it is found at least once 
on the adjacent north shore of the promontory, and that it is found 
quite generally along the south shore from Motu to the Louisiades. In 
Charts II and III we observe two anomalies. In the former a vocable 

carrying a Vitiaz Strait element appears in the Motu-Hula-Sinaugoro 
‘region on the Gulf of Papua and is not identified at any point in the 
intermediate region until it recurs upon the north coast. It will be 
understood that the line which connects this area with the symbolic 
rectangle is not intended to express migration over sea and land, but 
is simply indicative. In Chart III we observe one vocable whose 
identity is established from the Vitiaz Strait; thence at practically 
every datum point on the north shore and in one of the southern off- 
shore islands; it occurs at the most distant point of the Gulf of Papua 
coast after a gap in which in other cases we find much of our most 
valuable identification of Polynesian material. 

We have but one clear case in which it appears that a Melanesian 
word is traceable on the north coast of New Guinea, down through the 
Vitiaz Strait and the south-extending coast to and around the south- 
eastern tip of the great island. So far as relates to any speech element 
which seems Melanesian we have but this single instance which may 
lend itself to the idea that there was a speech movement from the 
north coast to South Cape and there a reversal of direction toward the 
Gulf of Papua. 

We next examine in Charts IV and V the sixteen Polynesian vocables 
in which we can detect the suggestion of exit from the north coast 
through the Vitiaz Strait. On Chart IV there is but a single instance 
in which we find what should appear to be the characteristic picture 
of such migration, and here we have the material identified upon the 
north shore of the promontory and in Kiriwina and Murua of the off- 
shore islands. In the other four cases the identification is restricted 
to the Gulf of Papua coast, is anomalous, and the first lines out of the 
symbolic rectangle are but indicative. On Chart V we find that 


162 SISSANO. 


“practically all the material is susceptible of the explanation of move- 
ment of continued coasting around the South Cape and reversal of 
direction into the gulf. This is the view held by Ray and Friederici. 
Upon this set of charts will be found all the data upon which they rest 
their judgment—just a score of vocables. To establish this view we 
should require a considerable showing of words which, after being well 
identified on the line of the north coast migration course, should be 
discovered on the shore nearest Vitiaz Strait toward the south and 
then should be definitely traced around South Cape and westward 
into the Gulf of Papua. ‘This important problem of the reversal of 
current into the gulf will better be studied with the larger mass of 
New Guinea material next to be considered—that in which we have 
not been able to find any clear trace of this Dampier-Vitiaz element. 

Before dismissing this particular group we must note that between 
Vitiaz Strait and our first discovery of these vocables in this area there 
intervenes the not inconsiderable gap of 3 degrees of latitude. The 
data record in this gap is scanty, yet in the few word-lists which are 
available there is a complete absence of these critical vocables. 

When we take up the study of the speech of this critical New Guinea 
region for which we are unable to detect affiliation with the migration 
track through the Vitiaz Strait, we shall have to deal with a much 
larger number of vocables within Ray’s list of 154 items. In the 
succeeding charts the traces of common speech are drawn for each 
item and the distinctive lines are consolidated by tens. We continue 
the division as between Melanesian and Polynesian. We make a 
further division to accord with a suggestion of speech provinces into 
which the area is divisible. It is much too early in the study to attach 
definite importance to these provinces; when our information becomes 
greater it is probable that they will prove to be no more than sugges- 
tions; but they are a beginning toward a solution and as such are 
offered as providing a present convenience in the examination of the 
material. These provinces are as follow: Gulf Coast, the eastern 
shore of the Gulf of Papua from Mekeo in the north, inclusive of 
Galoma-Sinaugoro at Keakalo Bay; South Cape, from Galoma to 
Tubetube in the Engineer Group, that portion of the southern coast 
between the Aura River and Dufaure Island being negligible because 
the languages at present reported along its extent fall into the classifica- 
tion of Papuan; East Coast, from Milne Bay northward to Colling- 
wood Bay, and in this province there appears the suggestion of a 
subdivision at Cape Vogel which may associate the Boniki with the 
southern and the immediately adjacent Mukawa with the northern 
region; Louisiade region, the southeastern islands with record sta- 
tions at Panaieti, Misima, and Tagula; Dentrecasteaux region, the 
eastern islands, with record stations at Dobu, Kiriwina, Murua, and 
Nada. 


GEOGRAPHY OF THE MIGRATIONS. 163 


Gulf coast (Charts VI and VII).—In each language stock we have 
no difficulty in observing three groups of association. The northern 
group is based upon Mekeo, Roro, Uni, Pokau, and Doura. On the 
Melanesian chart we find two strongly characterized pairs, Uni-Roro 
and Doura-Pokau, and these pairs are linked by the frequency of the 
Pokau-Roro association, a line of such strength as appears but twice 
elsewhere on this chart. On the Polynesian chart we find the same 
pairs and the same linking of pairs, but with a marked reduction in the 
weight of the lines. Here we encounter a diagonal linking of the pairs, 
Uni-Pokau, which does not show itself on the Melanesian chart. 
From Roro both charts exhibit lines of affiliation, exclusive of Pokau, 
which extend to Kabadi, Motu, and the Hula-Keapara pair individ- 
ually. ‘These lines are by no means heavy, and the only difference 
between the Melanesian and the Polynesian charts is that the lines 
Roro-Kabadi and Roro-Motu are one unit heavier in the former. 

The next group along this coast comprises Pokau, Kabadi, and 
Motu, with scanty interrelations of the inner Doura with Kabadi and 
Motu. Each chart exhibits the same relative strength of the lines 
Pokau-Kabadi and Kabadi-Motu, so that we may regard the three 
sites as under the same sweep of speech movement. ‘The line Pokau- 
Motu is relatively stronger in the Polynesian chart. Between Pokau 
and Hula-Keapara exclusive of Motu we find traces of interrelation, 
but so scanty as not to call for particular remark. ‘The third group 
associates Motu with the particularly strong association of Hula- 
Keapara-Galoma and brings it at that southern region into contact 
with the interrelation of the inland Sinaugoro and Rubi with the same 
coastal communities. The Melanesian chart shows particularly 
strong association of Hula with Keapara and but a single unit lower 
between Keapara and Galoma; the line Galoma-Rubi-Sinaugoro is 
practically of the same weight as the line Hula-Motu. The Poly- 
nesian chart exhibits a line of the same weight from Motu by way of 
Hula and Keapara to Galoma, a manifestation of a more even dis- 
tribution of the influence which has been at work; the inner associa- 
tion with Rubi and Sinaugoro is distinctly less prominent. ‘The final 
note upon the two charts is that the eastward extension of these stems 
into other provinces is greater in the Polynesian material than in the 
Melanesian, and that implies far greater extension relatively to the 
varying amounts of material. 

South Cape (Charts VIII and IX).—The examination of the two 
language stocks in the matter of the draft of material from the Gulf 
Coast province makes clear a difference, even though the significance 
thereof must for the present elude our study. The Melanesian chart 
presents the lines of this draft for each of the terminal points. We 
find Suau the principal terminus, Mugula and Sariba at the ends of 
lines of equal weight, Tubetube somewhat inferior, while the material 


164 SISSANO. 


which is drawn through this province without coming to shore is 
represented as of the same weight as the Mugula and Sariba lines. 
The Polynesian chart, however, while keeping Suau as of the same 
first importance and Mugula in second place, sets Sariba and Tubetube 
on the same scale of unimportance, and, as in the Melanesian stock, the 
draft from the Gulf Coast which passes without a check beyond the 
South Cape is of the same weight as the Mugula line. Suau on the 
Melanesian chart is of the first importance in speech affinities. Its 
strongest relation is with Sariba; its next is with Mugula, but by a 
considerable interval; with Tavara, its nearest neighbor along the 
coast in the next northern province, as with Tubetube, its direct 
affiliation is at the minimum. ‘The affiliation of Mugula is most 
marked with Suau; it shows a trace with Sariba and Tubetube. 
Sariba, most strongly affiliated with Suau, is very nearly as closely 
in touch with Tubetube; there is a minimum trace in the direction 
of Tavara. ‘Tubetube may be taken as the outpost of the province. 
Its strong relation with Sariba has been noted. It is important to 
note its position as a distributing point of affiliations extending beyond 
this province very strongly marked into the Dentrecasteaux province 
and almost equally into the Louisiades, yet not at all into the East 
Coast province. Sariba extends into the Dentrecasteaux and the 
Louisiades in the same ratio as does Tubetube, but only to the extent 
of half the number of vocables. Suau shows but a trace of extension 
directly to the Louisiades and little more to Dentrecasteaux and the 
east coast. Mukawa exhibits exterior relations in a single instance 
of affiliation on the east coast. The Polynesian chart of this region 
shows somewhat marked difference. Suau remains the principal 
point. Its richest association is still with Sariba; it is joined to 
Mugula and Tavara by lines of equal weight, and that but little short 
of the curve of Suau-Sariba; with Tubetube direct it exhibits but a 
trace of association. Sariba offers much the same picture as on the 
Melanesian chart. Its relations with Suau and Tubetube are in the 
same ratio; its relation with Tavara is less. Tubetube on each chart 
shows no affiliation with the east coast. It affiliates to an equal 
extent with Dentrecasteaux and the Louisiades, and this figure is the 
same as that of its affiliation with Sariba. Sariba shows a trace of 
affiliation with the east coast and with the Louisiades, but a trifle 
more with the Dentrecasteaux. ‘Suau shows with the Dentrecasteaux 
an affiliation quite as strong as with Sariba in its own province, in the 
next degree with the east coast, and only a trace with the Louisiades. 
Mukawa shows a trace of affiliation with the Louisiades. 

East Coast (Charts X and XI).—This province and that of the 
South Cape should be critical of any movement of migration by coast- 
wise voyaging which should bring together streams following the © 
north and the south coasts, respectively, of New Guinea. ‘The proof 


GEOGRAPHY OF THE MIGRATIONS. 165 


of such a folk movement should most distinctly appear in the region 
Awalama-Tavara-Suau, with extension to Sariba and in a less degree 
to Tubetube. We have already seen in the Melanesian chart of the 
South Cape how slight is the affiliation between Suau and Sariba with 
Tavara. In the corresponding chart of the east coast we discover at 
once that Tavara is the terminus of a very consistent series of affilia- 
tion which extends northward with much uniformity as far as Wedau 
and in only a slightly less strong phase into the northern subdivision 
of the province. Between Tavara and Awalama essential unity is 
discernible in a little less than half the vocables available for our study. 
This value undergoes accretion as we run over the languages of the 
north shore. The group Awalama-Taupota-Wedau shows such unity 
in an even half of the vocabulary data; in the hamlets of the shore of 
Goodenough Bay, Wedau and Galavi establish a two-thirds unity 
which extends as far as Boniki at the tip of Cape Vogel, the possible 
point of subdivision of this province. From Tavara there are ves- 
tiges of direct affiliation with Taupota and Wedau which has passed 
outside of Awalama. In amount this is a mere trace, and it does not 
extend into the Goodenough Bay country. The Goodenough Bay 
group is established by Wedau-Galavi-Boniki, but we find a trace of 
affiliation as between Wedau and Mukawa at the beginning of the 
northern group, excluding Boniki, and on the Galavi-Mukawa line 
we have considerable confirmatory data. In the northern group we 
find a somewhat strongly drawn line of affiliation between Boniki 
and Mukawa; thence with about half the weight it is prolonged from 
Mukawa to Kubiri, and finally with a reduction of one unit from 
Kubiri to Kiviri. In the Collingwood Bay region we find a fairly 
well-defined interrelation between Kwagila and Kubiri. Of the four 
languages which dominate this bay we find two clearly defined pairs, 
Raga and Oiun as one, the inner pair, Kubiri and Kiviri pairing around 
the other pair. The exterior relations of this province reach in but 
one direction—to Dobu, the nearest record station of the Dentre- 
casteaux province, a trace from Collingwood Bay, a trifle more from 
Goodenough Bay, and somewhat more than one-tenth of the available 
data from the Wedau-Taupota-Awalama-Tavara filiation. ‘The Poly- 
nesian chart shows some interesting points of diversity in addition 
to a marked reduction of the common elements. From Suau as rep- 
resenting the South Cape province we find the filiation with Tavara 
very slight. Between Tavara and Awalama the affiliation is no more 
than half of that seen in the Melanesian language group. From 
Awalama by Taupota to Wedau the amount of affiliation is denoted 
by the same Tavara-Awalama line instead of increasing, as is the case 
upon the Melanesian chart. Above Wedau the affiliation is less than 
between Tavara and Awalama, instead of greater, as in the Melanesian 
chart; and this curve continues out of Goodenough Bay and around 


166 SISSANO. 


Cape Vogel without suggesting the subdivision of the province which 
seems so plainly indicated in our Melanesian material. In Colling- 
wood Bay there is but a trace of affiliation between Kwagila and 
Kubiri, and the Raga-Oiun and Kubiri-Kiviri pairs are scarcely dis- 
tinguishable. The exterior relations are the same in amount and 
destination as on the Melanesian chart, a trace from Collingwood Bay, 
a trifle more from Goodenough Bay, and a more strongly marked line 
from the Awalama region. While the figures establishing these lines 
are the same on the two charts, the fact that the Polynesian material 
is smaller in sum gives these three notes of affiliation a higher percent- 
age value in the Polynesian group. 

Louisiades region (Charts XII and XIII).—The provisional estab- 
lishment of this province has probably been somewhat overmuch 
governed by the geography of the charts. It has seemed simpler to 
include Tubetube with the South Cape by reason of proximity, yet 
when the languages are better known it is quite likely that Tubetube 
will fall more satisfactorily with the Louisiades. Our Melanesian 
chart exhibits the close relation of Tubetube and Panaieti, amounting 
to about one-fifth of the recorded data. Panaieti affiliates with Misima 
to the extent of two-fifths. The affiliation of Misima and Tagula 
amounts to about one-seventh. ‘The exterior relations of the province 
are interesting. Panaieti and Misima show a trace of affiliation with 
Suau and Sariba independently, and Tagula to the same slight degree 
is associable with Sariba and Tubetube. Misima exhibits a higher 
degree of affiliation with the east coast province at Awalama. In the 
Dentrecasteaux region Panaieti and Misima show a trace of-:affiliation 
with Dobu; Panaieti has a somewhat higher relation with Kiriwina 
and Murua and a trace with Nada; Misima shows but a trace of 
association with Kiriwina, Murua, and Nada. ‘The Polynesian chart 
offers a markedly dissimilar picture; with the exception of the inter- 
relations of Tubetube-Panaieti and Panaieti-Misima of equal weight, 
the series is but a matter of traces too slight to lend weight to any 
suggestion of explanation. 

Dentrecasteaux region (Charts XIV and XV).—Both our charts at 
the first glance suggest arachnid industry, but when we give attention 
to the relative importance of the several lines we obtain a clear picture 
of the speech relations within the province and the extension of such 
relations to and from other provinces. In the Melanesian chart we 
note at the outset a strongly featured community of the northern 
islands Kiriwina, Murua, and Nada amounting to two-fifths of the 
material; associable with this community we observe the interrelation 
of Kiriwina and Dobu to one-third of this degree, attended by traces 
of interrelation of Dobu with Murua and Nada. Despite its distance 
in the Louisiades, Panaieti, as already mentioned, is appreciably in 
touch with at least Kiriwina and Murua of these northern islands. 


GEOGRAPHY OF THE MIGRATIONS. 167 


Dobu again is related with Suau at the first unit of the scale which 
we have been employing, with Sariba at the second, with Tubetube 
at the third unit. When, now, we bring into comparison the Poly- 
nesian chart, we find the picture much simpler and the dominant lines 
reduced greatly in weight. We have the same even curve of Kiri- 
wina-Murua-Nada affiliation, but all the other lines are of the first 
unit and represent mere traces, except the Dobu-Tubetube affiliation 
of equal weight with that which extends through the northern group. 

This graphic delineation of the affiliations of Polynesia and Melane- 
sian languages at this extreme southeastern tip of New Guinea suggests 
any number of interesting problems of small scope which in time will 
undoubtedly repay investigation. In relation to the present work we 
shall rest satisfied with the discussion of the major problem of the 
direction of the movement of speech around this southeastern promon- 
tory and of its connection with the establishment of the larger sweep 
of Polynesian migration into the Pacific. 

We have in the first place to set down a memorandum of the char- 
acter of that element in these charts which we, following our few 
predecessors, find it convenient to designate as Melanesian. The most 
which we may venture to posit of the vocables in this group is that 
they occur in the keeping of peoples whom we for the present elect 
to denominate Melanesian and that they are not identified in any 
language of Polynesia. There exists a certain possibility that some 
of these vocables may belong to the Polynesian language as it was con- 
stituted at the period of the sojourn of Polynesian migrants in the 
place where these words are now found; they may be survivors. That 
such a chance of remote survival conditions the comparison of these 
widely distributed languages is shown in some of our earlier studies. 
In the Visayan of the southern Philippines we find the word alimango 
as the name of a crab; we find the same word in Samoa in the same 
sense; yet if the word had dropped out of Samoan we should have no 
means of knowing that the Visayan word is Polynesian and it must 
have gone on record as purely Indonesian. ‘Therefore it is clear that 
we are not warranted in the statement that this element is wholly 
non-Polynesian merely because it is not now identifiable in the Poly- 
nesian of the present and of which the dictionaries are notably incom- 
plete. According, upon this series of charts we shall distinguish 
between Polynesian and Melanesian only those traces of language 
movement which markedly differ, and where the traces follow the 
same course we shall feel justified in refraining from attaching too 
much importance to the different designation of the two elements. 

In the discussion of language movement as an index of folk move- 
ment around this critical New Guinea point, earlier investigators have 
taken the position more or less distinctly that the movement was 
from the north down the east coast and thence westerly into the Gulf 


168 SISSANO. 


of Papua. In “The Polynesian Wanderings,’ working over the 
material afresh and with a broader scope, I felt justified in proposing 
a general eastward migration stream from southern Indonesia and 
along the south coast of New Guinea through Torres Strait. We now 
proceed to the general examination of this critical region relative to 
the two migration streams on either side of New Guinea. 

It has been pointed out that just at the spot where we should expect 
to find the most complete evidence of reversal of language movement, 
at the extreme tip of New Guinea, we find the curves of affiliation at 
their lowest degree. North of that point on the east coast, west thereof 
on the south coast, we find considerable areas in each of which affilia- 
tion is conspicuous, yet we lack the evidence of connection between these 
diverse areas. Furthermore, assuming the rounding of the cape, 
there is nothing on these charts which might establish such rounding 
as directed westward from the east coast rather than northward from 
the south coast; there is quite as much argument on one side as on the 
other. Each extremity of this critical area is disjunct from the migra- 
tion stream with which it is sought to connect it. But there is observ- 
able here a difference in the conditions of the problem. ‘The Colling- 
wood Bay region of affiliation is separated from the Vitiaz Strait by 
some 3 degrees of latitude; the Motu region is parted from the nearest 
point of Indonesia in which we have record of Polynesian language 
material by all of 10 degrees of longitude. Yet here a difference 
exists. In the 3 degrees between Vitiaz Strait and the Kiviri speech 
the land has been visited; at several points the languages have been 
collected at least to the same extent as in the region for which these 
lines have been traced, and at every such datum point the Polynesian 
element is wanting. In the greater distance between the Arafura 
Sea and Motu the land has been almost unvisited; there is a long 
stretch of coast for which we have no authority to postulate that it 
does not contain Polynesian survivals. ‘Thus far we have done no 
more than advance the argument that it is quite as possible for the 
folk movement to have progressed easterly around the southeastern 
cape as westerly, and we must add at this point our knowledge that 
all Polynesian migration is instinct with motion away from the west. 

Now consider the quality of the affiliation of these Polynesian 
survivals. On the whole of the east coast the quality is low; it calls 
for no little art to discover in common speech the persistence of a Poly- 
nesian stem; and of the survivals along the north coast of New Guinea, 
with which it is sought to link this movement, the quality is equally 
low. On the other hand, the quality reaches its highest to the west. 
In Motu and in Sinaugoro and Galoma exist many words which would 
pass muster for Samoan current to-day. It seems impossible to con- 
sider a speech affiliation of low quality arising from a contaminated 
source as capable of recovering its purity the farther it travels from 


GEOGRAPHY OF THE MIGRATIONS. 169 


its putative source. If this objection inheres in the argument for 
derivation from the north, New Guinea migration and reversal of 
current into the Gulf of Papua, regard the hypothesis of a Torres 
Strait migration eastward. In this conception of the case Motu and 
its neighboring coast lies as our nearest datum point to an uncon- 
taminated source in proximate southern Indonesia; the degradation 
in quality is progressive eastward in the line of traverse as the wander- 
ing Polynesians tarried with an alien and inferior folk and left their 
impress upon minds poorly equipped to assume the superior culture. 
On this assumption of the independent migration stream eastward 
through Torres Strait we find our difficulties reduced to a minimum; 
we find confirmation in the line of affiliation wherealong quality is 
maintained—a line clearly marked from the Gulf Coast province to 
Suau, to Sariba, to Tubetube, to Panaieti with almost unimpaired 
weight. On this assumption it is not particularly necessary to explain 
away the progressive degradation of Polynesian material on the east 
coast; it may even have come to pass aside from direct Polynesian 
contact, but at second hand through Melanesian interchanges; and 
it is immaterial if we credit the affiliations of Kiriwina-Murua-Nada 
to drift from the nearest coast of Neu-Pommern. 

We are now in a better situation to consider the general probabilities 
of migration through Melanesia as set forth to view on Chart XVI. 
When we examine the possibilities of folk movement in this region we 
encounter three interlacing hypotheses: 

A. 

Assuming the migration eastward of the Proto-Polynesians out of 
Indonesia under a sufficient stress of expulsion (for in the nature of 
the case a draft of attraction to happier lands in the Pacific could not 
exist), if the migrants touched at uninhabited islands we should expect 
to find the laggards of the migration scattered along the course and 
speaking a pure, albeit archaic, Polynesian. Such we find in a clearly 
drawn and interesting track upon the chart. The region nearest to 
Indonesia in which we first identify this migration track is north of 
the equator (not included in this chart), at Kapingamarangi and 
Nukuoro. Other record-points in a generally southeasterly course 
are Tauu, Nuguria, Nukumanu, Sikaiana, the Reef Islands, Ticopia, 
and Anuda, whence the course is clear to Rotuma, Futuna, Uvea, and 
Samoa. Attention has already been directed upon the probability 
of a deflection of some of this migration through the southern Solomons 
to a clear record-point at Moiki-Moava. In the two channels between 
Malanta and Guadalcanar and Malanta and San Cristoval, respec- 
tively, we find more or less high degrees of intermingling with strictly 
Melanesian material, and the same is true of the Reef Islands, Ticopia, 
and Anuda; for in these cases we have other reason to predicate the 


170 SISSANO. 


existence of an autochthonous population at the period of Polynesian 
occupancy. At the arrival of this and other migrations in Nuclear 
Polynesia a very general diffusion took place; the trace upon the 
chart denotes in its simplest form the fact of such diffusion; it is not 
intended to imply the particular preference of Samoa over any other 
point of such distribution. 


B; 


Assuming the presence at the time of Proto-Polynesian migration 
of races alien to this ethnic stock at certain points in Melanesia, we 
should look for various forms and various degrees of contamination 
of persisting Polynesian linguistic material along the migration track. 
In earlier works I have discussed at length the character of such 
migration. In this connection I renew attention upon one of the 
factors which seems above all others to dominate the problem. A 
social unit migrating by land is able to victual itself from the country 
which it traverses, its route is distinctly governed by the available 
food supply, it avoids deserts and other regions in which game and 
grass are scanty. ‘The discovery that the country just pioneered will 
not support the migration is promptly followed by retracing the track 
to the last region in which victual is abundant; a new route is sought 
by scouts where the food-supply promises to suffice. So much for 
the sweep of Attila across Asia and Europe; so much for the conquest 
of our western plains as far as the mountain backbone of the conti- 
nent and beyond to the founding of our great empire on the Pacific; 
so much for the great trek of the Boers out from Cape Colony to a 
greater Africa of freedom beyond. Migration by land must follow 
the line of the most abundant victual. 

But migration by sea is far other. The sea is ploughed by many 
keels, but no crop grows for the feeding of the sailor. His last article 
of food and water must be carried between the port he has left and the 
haven of his desire. When food fails the sailor the sailor fails the ship; 
a few days the ship of starvation drifts untillered, the sport of wind and 
wave, awaiting the friendly gale which shall give it sea burial, and there 
an end. In these very waters we have the record of voyaging to the 
edge of failure of victual—Bligh in his crowded boat after the mutiny 
of the Bounty, the Pandora’s boats with Bligh’s mutineers, both 
winning through to the East Indies in starvation. We can only 
imagine what mute tragedies of this sea must have accompanied the 
ignorant navigation of the Polynesian migration, all passed from 
human knowledge because none survived, even as none survived to 
tell the bitter voyage into the unknown of those French sailors of 
La Pérouse who built a boat on Vanikoro out of the wreck of their 
frigate and sailed away to starve. When our whalemen scoured the 
Pacific they provisioned for three years and they could always make 


7 


GEOGRAPHY OF THE MIGRATIONS. Ta 


some port long before they began to run short; they had the cargo 
space; their food was portable. The Polynesians had most inferior 
cargo space in their canoes and their food lacked portability, for it 
was almost solely fresh vegetables. Upon this point of victual we find 
preserved a migration record. The voyage which brought the Maori 
to New Zealand was protracted beyond the food-supply possible to 
some of the canoes, and tradition has preserved for our information 
the knowledge that it was at the last necessary to have recourse to the 
crew as food, a double economy in that each paddler who kept his 
mates alive became also one less mouth to feed. I have been able to 
examine a few of the great double canoes of Polynesia, probably to be 
taken as fair representatives of the vessels of the great migrations. I 
judge that the hold and deck space on the canoes which I have sur- 
veyed was capable of carrying of the bulky vegetable supply no more 
than sufficient victual and water than would suffice to maintain the 
people of such a vessel for little over a week—ten days at the outside 
on short commons. This means that the units of the fleets of such 
migrations, not considered as under any admiralty of control of 
their movement, but each for himself, must at brief intervals come to 
land for purposes of revictualment. 

Such landing-points fall likewise into the possibility of three classes. 
The simplest comprises those lands without habitants, such as we 
believe to have been the case in the islands of the Polynesian Verge. 
Here the migrants might be expected to find a day-by-day support, 
but to accumulate provision for a further voyage would call for such 
sojourn as would afford time for agricultural operations. Each such 
island would prove attractive to some of the fleet; they would be 
content to enjoy their new-found peace. _Thus we should expect to 
find such islands of undiluted Polynesian races as we do find dotted 
along a thread from the Carolines to Nuclear Polynesia. Each such 
island would form a new point of departure when population approached 
the limit of productivity or when feud arose within the settlement of 
this proud and war-enjoying race. ‘Thus each would be both settle- 
ment and crop colony. ‘That such has been the case, even in default 
of tradition in Melanesia, is permissible inference from what we know 
to have come to pass in Samoa and many eastern island communities, 
even to the outermost limit of the island Pacific. 

In the second class we have to consider the probability of the nature 
of the reception of Polynesians by existing populations. That it 
could have been peaceable is impossible to consider, for peace even to 
the world’s highest peoples is an aspiration rather than a fact. We 
picture the coming of Polynesians to Melanesian communities in the 
light of a raid of sea marauders. Food is a necessity, fighting a joy, 
resistance meets onslaught. It matters not what the result of these 
unchronicled combats in a distant sea, the ethnic result is practically 


iyi SISSANO. 


the same whichever may win. ‘These are battles to extinction of the 
fighting men; the women go with the victory. If we may judge the 
past from the present, the Polynesian raider is of the better courage; 
he knows better his trade of fighting; the Melanesian advantage lies in 
numbers. If the Polynesian wins he takes the Melanesian women 
to his community; if the Melanesian wins the Polynesian women of 
the fleet remain; in either case the next generation presents a mixed 
blood and a mixed speech and it matters little in which order the mix- 
ture is produced. In case of such an onfall where the result has been 
a Melanesian victory, the cross of alien blood tends progressively to 
wane under the dilution of this mixture by successive matings with 
pure Melanesian strains. In case of Polynesian victory the victors 
may sail away and leave the cross behind to undergo the same absorp- 
tion, or the progeny of such mixture may be carried along with the 
Polynesian sires to undergo gradual absorption in that strain. In some 
cases we may see the probability of a settlement of victorious Poly- 
nesians upon land won from Melanesians, in which case the cross- 
mixture would tend to fairly equal replenishment from each source, 
and we should discover a race of hybrids with contamination of cus- 
tom and speech; and this is just what we do find at several points in 
the Melanesian chain. 

In the third class of such settlement along the route of migration 
we find an operative factor which tends to produce the permanent 
occupation. This is the yearly recurrence of the hurricane season, 
the months between December and March, when the trade wind is 
deranged. In this period of almost incessant rains, and rain is very 
uncomfortable to the bare islander, the wind either fails entirely in 
dull days of dreary calm or else reaches such violence of gale that only 
the stoutest ships may live afloat, and even ashore solidly constructed 
buildings plane through the air. When this season meets the canoe 
voyager a sojourn ashore is made necessary, no matter where he be. 
This factor, then, conditions the other reasons for such a halt. 


C. 


The third of these possibilities is that Melanesian communities 
which have come into possession at their home site of a given amount 
of Polynesian material, somatic or cultural or linguistic, may themselves 
migrate to communities thitherto untouched by the general Polynesian 
movement. Here we encounter strong probability of such Melanesian 
migration, but we lack definite detail. At the time when the islands 
of the western Pacific were densely populated there was lack of interest 
in preserving the record of their tradition history. Now, when interest 
has been attracted to the importance of this study, the islands have 
been depopulated by the infamy of the labor trade and the memory 
of the past has vanished. It is possible to feel the existence of at 


GEOGRAPHY OF THE MIGRATIONS. 173 


least three subdivisions of Melanesia, and underlying the present 
Melanesian in certain of the larger islands a persistence of an earlier 
and yet more primitive folk. But we can not yet prove the limits of 
these subdivisions; perhaps it will be found too late; and though it 
is probable that in more than one region we are dealing with Poly- 
nesian material mutilated by second-hand transmission, we may not 
differentiate it from direct accumulations along the migration sweep. 

Upon this chart I continue the division of the Samoa stream along 
the northern New Guinea coast, the Bismarck Archipelago (and now 
I attach greater importance to the establishment of the line eastward 
of Neu-Mecklenburg on the strength of the Lihir record-point), thence 
through the Solomon Islands and eastward to Nuclear Polynesia. Set 
off from this I draw the Viti stream out through Torres Strait to the 
New Hebrides and thence by the more southerly course to Nuclear 
Polynesia. 

When we take up the investigation of the Polynesian material per- 
sisting in the varied languages of the Malay Archipelago as shown on 
Chart XVII, we feel at once that the problems are somewhat of a 
different order than those which are drawn out from the Melanesian 
nexus. There we have to deal with a folk movement under an impulse 
outward from the rear, led onward along courses whose direction is 
made clear by the most casual study of the charts. Here we find 
ourselves confronted with a notably different set of factors. 

In respect of the mere fact of the persistence of a certain scanty 
yet abundantly recognizable element in Indonesian languages which 
we must recognize as a borrowing from Polynesian, we find no great 
difficulty. We are concerned with roughly about 250 vocables; very 
few indeed are represented at all generally in Indonesian languages. 
Thus we conclude that the borrowing was not at a single center and 
thence carried by the onward movement of the peoples who first 
assumed this material. Rather do we find that this assumption has 
taken place in various proportion at several or many spots where 
Indonesians came into somewhat enduring contact with persons who 
spoke some Polynesian tongue. Furthermore, from the essential con- 
cord of the borrowed material with itself and with the present Poly- 
nesian of the Pacific we hold the opinion that at the time of such con- 
tact the Polynesian spoken in Indonesia was to all intents and pur- 
poses a single speech. 

At this point we require a brief statement of the history of this 
period of contact of the two peoples. Our postulate of the presence 
of Proto-Polynesians in the Indonesian area deduces from the persist- 
ence of this loan material. Against the possibility that Polynesian 
material has been communicated to Indonesia by westward drift we 
set two determinant facts. One is the uniformity of Polynesian 
tradition-history that the original home of the race was in the west, 


174 SISSANO. 


which engages with the climatic constants of Melanesia to support 
the theory of eastward migration. The other fact lies in Indonesia 
itself. If the theory of drift material were otherwise tenable we should 
expect to find the greater mass of such at the eastern border of the 
Malay Archipelago, say from the Philippines down to Aru and Timor 
Laut, steadily recessive in a westerly direction, and reaching its mini- 
mum in the Kawi of Java and the Malay of Sumatra; which we find 
to be not in the least the case. Polynesian loan material is to the full 
as abundant in the west as in the east. 

Recorded and datable history of India and of Java presents to us 
considerable detail of the onward sweep of peoples now Indonesian a 
little earlier than the Christian era. We are unable to find a sure 
recognition of a home of Polynesians earlier than the Malay Archi- 
pelago, but of the Indonesians we have a clear record of their passage 
through India and of their entrance upon the islands of their present 
abode by way of the Malakka Peninsula and Sumatra. We know 
this horde to have been superior to the Proto-Polynesians in a vital 
point of culture; they were already smiths. The history of mankind 
shows conclusively that the race with the knife possesses the earth; 
the man with the club and the dornick shaped to his hand is beaten; 
he dies or he scuttles away. These Malayans had the kris; under 
its alien designation of bolo it has been the weapon of serious resistance 
in the Philippines to a culture whose weapon is as much superior to 
the kris as the knife is superior to the stone hatchet. Before the 
approach of the knife-armed Malayans the Proto-Polynesian resistance 
could not endure; the club fighters died or fled. At each point of 
former Proto-Polynesian occupancy of Indonesia we assume the defeat 
of the armed resistance, and the whole story of primitive man the 
world around warrants this assumption. We then have at that point 
a debellated community culturally inferior; the active men killed in 
the decisive battle of their tiny world, the non-combatants, women, 
children, and the aged awaiting the event. If sufficient of the active 
warriors remain alive, if their force still suffices to admit of certain 
freedom of action of their part, we may conceive of a voyage of escape, 
the conquerors quite satisfied with such an easy outcome, the cruising 
for new homes to which the enemy has not yet penetrated. Such 
must have been the origin of the great migrations eastward whose 
course we have been tracking. If the defeat of the original inhabi- 
tants has been sufficient to prevent the possibility of such escape we 
find the vanquished reduced to slavery by the victor, a condition of 
life which does not begin to become intolerable until a much higher 
advance in general culture. Experience shows abundantly how 
readily a victor people tends to assume some element of the domestic 
speech of its slaves. This is prominent in our picture of Indonesia 
during its transition period two millenniums ago. 


GEOGRAPHY OF THE MIGRATIONS. 175 


It is difficult to excavate below the present culture of the Malayan 
Archipelago with much hope of finding out what may have been the 
extent of Proto-Polynesian occupation of the islands before the coming 
of the invader. A careful examination of the speech and of the custom 
life of a few scattered peoples within this area, such as the Aeta of the 
Philippines, the Punam of Borneo, the Barée-Toradja of Celebes, 
leads in the direction of the opinion that during the period of undis- 
turbed Proto-Polynesian race occupation there were areas of peoples 
yet more primitive. But it seems fair to assume that the Proto- 
Polynesian occupation of Indonesia was practically uniform and 
general. Accordingly the lines on Chart XVII differ in quality from 
those which we have drawn on the Melanesian chart. Here we have 
a consolidation of all the lines connecting the loca of affiliation recorded 
in the chapter next preceding. Yet they do not present the character 
of lines of folk movement as do those in Melanesia; we do not sense 
upon them the feeling of destination. The motion in this region, the 
lines of conquest and occupation of Indonesia, neither of these per- 
tains to its Proto-Polynesian element; it is the proper function of the 
student of the Malayan peoples. Until the moment of escape from 
a lost field of battle the Polynesian here is sessile; mobility is the 
character of the Malayan. Yet certain of the exterior lines of affilia- 
tion, while they do not impress us as so instinct with motion as do 
the Melanesian traces, do suggest lines which might be traveled. At 
the extreme west we find the ultimate outposts of the Polynesian race, 
not great in extent, yet sufficing to establish a line at least of Indo- 
nesian migration, one determined by Silong on the west of the Malakka 
Peninsula, the other better determined by Nicobar and the significant 
status of the Mentawei Islands west of Sumatra. From Sumatra we 
have three lines of affiliation which are very strongly marked. One 
leads through Borneo in the direction of the Philippines, the other 
into Java and the southern chain of islands, the third toward Mada- 
gascar. Almost all our affiliations of the Malagasy, of whatever 
linguistic stock, point with great uniformity to Sumatra-Java and 
very little to other parts of the archipelago. We regard this migra- 
tion to Madagascar as comparatively late, dating from a period when 
the people of Sumatra-Java had assumed whatever Polynesian ele- 
ment characterizes their respective languages. We are not in any 
sort justified in the theory, which was held as recently as.the time of 
De Quatrefages, of Polynesian occupation of that remote island of the 

African continental mass. 
Krom Java we trace eastward two lines. One may smoothly be 
drawn along the scarcely interrupted chain of southern islands as far 
as Timor Laut and Aru, where it approximates that Viti stream of 
migration which the study of the Melanesian material has led me to 
propose and earnestly to support. From Madura we lay out a trace 


176 SISSANO. 


which appears to fork at the south of Celebes, one traversing that 
interesting island northward into the Philippines, the other established 
by Salayer (a point of peculiar Samoan interest) and Bouton and 
thence forking into the Moluccas. A northerly fork is established by 
Sula on the way to Gilolo; a southerly fork engages with Ceram and 
Buru, islands from which we derive much valuable material. From 
Ceram we derive lines in the northerly direction by way of Mysol 
and Waigiou which bring us to the westerly tip of New Guinea; here 
engage lines from Gilolo and from the Philippines, and here these 
converging lines approximate that course of Polynesian migration along 
the north shore of New Guinea upon which we are all in agreement. 

Here for the present we leave these studies of the great Polynesian 
migration. Some little has been accomplished. We have freed the 
problem from the error and the misleading of the theory of a Malayo- 
Polynesian speech family and a Malayo-Polynesian race. We have 
established the existence of two somewhat widely distinct migrations 
of Polynesians into the Pacific with an interval of centuries. For the 
earlier of these migrations we have traced three courses through 
Melanesia: and into the present Polynesia. The situation of Poly- 
nesia is reasonably clear in its main outlines. Owing to the depopula- 
tion of Melanesia many problems must remain insoluble because of 
the impossibility of acquiring data. In Indonesia much work can 
be done; it is hoped that it will engage the renewed effort of those 
scholars who have devoted their lives to the study of the culture and 
of the speech of the mixture of races whose homes are in the Malay 
Archipelago. 


PAGE 

abrasion, compensated............. 51 
TON ff Ania ore os a8 74, 108 

vowel to vowel........... 132 

absolute significations.............. 21 
Admiralty Islands, kava......... £35,153 
ME ese. 1 cues SO ie w 12 
RS GN eh. wo sea SrA elbes Meret 3 175 
ec Ble 5 visa See 40 
I ole ava cieank daeiod os iH 
MEET. 32.5 we os oa EO 16, 36 
yo es cide a wees le ce os 36, 104 
0 9 re Se Re 16, 40 
EMO GS ii ths ae be ib eis ee 14 
REET 5 dy. aog bane «by Gao 6 
OUGS Ie hie aes Lok atee 6 
ermrertiser er Heth Se 5 so | Si Al 6 
onan 5. ciine'e vols dascd + 53, 117 
ME Be lees als ovals’ a vais oe 0 167 
Alite, Polynesian influence....... 154, 155 
he a ok ajc 6 hn asa wn! 7OLaT 
alphabet, conspectus............ 23 
es ae 63,1207 
Se a 80 
RE Sc cain wren wb wy es 12 
ON ee 16 
ee 40 
SS 124 
ee 124 
RS ee 40, 105 
memitie, Corpiulence.............000. 17 
Polynesian community...... 169 
a ne 112 
oy Se 45, 106 
MMR alas a dad ole bi 124 
OS ee ee er 79, 80 
a 46, 106 
Ee 16 
ee 15 
SES a a a Tat 
RU ee ed din ch cee eos 80 
ee 1,14, 17 
EE Oe 16 
SS Oe 27 
0 ES eee ee 46, 107 
oe 60 
er ee ra7 
RE 5 osc atk cece’ 'y Was oe 108 
Awalama linguistics............. 165, 166 
MMB 5S, a wale ain ‘slau wd 22 
MINOR Et ene Sot via'cs s Oca eee 14 
EEE ep ER ee ere aoe oa 6 
4 i ER ae oo Se ean ee 59, 113 
eo he i nee 14 
Banks Group, culture.......... 156 
kava. 124, 125, 126, 129, 130 


LOOM na. detine soe eee 157 


DIZ..ce ee on ot ee 76 
REPEAL IA 0. sic Aas ee 175 
oa ee Sea ti Oe 
Ms Fo) te Ss ew utes 6 
i can eve, hp wont nes Won SP Se 16 
Beeeereia- Mar... 2... eb cise 47,33) 22537 


PAGE 
ROL MAP Ra the te are acd) svete cue dat 48, 114 
Belaga, Polynesian influence........ 154 
ete Ce WITS 4 Mrs view ys eine ss 123 
ROS e ok a rare hot vee ee A tak 138 
PCOS A So Bare haus woe ees 128 
UPPER VUCSIS ate Meese & a cee 139 
Bismarck Archipelago, culture...... 151 
geography... 30 
PO eee ie re Ra lak ens eee 75 
Boniki linguistics..... 162, 165 
L) AOE MS OEE Be SME AE esi ry 8 As COR 49, 114 
THOR Pike Io lott Gee Sate Ata Oe Nias 73 
DONE? Pa ics Pe IG CA te ae 72 
RHOUU Gat hee hides gical ders eae 135, 140,157 
ee BA) RE Oe a a Re ar 113 
brain, removed from skull.......... 14 
TIP CET RN Lac piste ee CO ah ee 89 
PTCA es es cake aoe nL ttle gI 
WGC DIECE sre M Aya s earth. o Sete eles 76 
PST UTA, oe F RA ee oe atte eae bee 12 
Bugotu, Polynesian influence....... 154 
Biren culture: Ge aie sor ts fees ie I5I 
DDT eee ea eel oe Ne eo Bh ss 49, I14 
PUY TOCLET: Moa o.cc cates eee 80 
Bululaha, Polynesian influence...... 154 
Stile 2 ek © eee eet 14, 18, 134 
peared ate | gehen Baie Rape RO eae Snipe Teer 
MTDC TOT Seok Ae tas Witie etnies oloe tes 12 
savigation.y eee. Vee ee 171) 172 
Caroline Islands; loom: . 0.6. .).'s 157 
COILS rie scl, cae ort raty So et gee 16 
PESO VEAL YS ee cote aroha lic whe a al ss 16 
Pbigedryetast CGC WOW UA a che Fhe, end wee P3y/t4y 19 
PIOSEH RUETINGS ca ihad het ati eie ie kgs oone E333 
CIOUMINg a sae rete as ea ene 15 
RORSUr es ts ee hotter aks 16 
Coconut shelicc tire ae owe ate eas ty, 
Codrington, R. H., The Melanesians. a 
Melanesian 

Languagess. 2.” 935.6 

eortus, interdictionese se kee ets 78 
compensatory semivowel.’.......... 51,54 
Conch) kava culties. pace s5 40. 135, 140 
COnSOMAaE ACOtIsItIOno. vu ..52 0. ss; 42, 43 
ea ra rey A) S281 Lk PG ARG be ak any Be 43, 116 

THICADIULY a oe let, oa, 41 

COUEATHIN ATION Sl ee aol Ws aa ite 10, 29 
OOM Vege aera ate al dr ate x aw oe ods 16 
COUleher ce. nee hs. ey gu o's ved 17 
COVOLG Re reine ee ne SG a eee I1I2 
CEO COUICa ee ao een 138,155 
CVCaS, KAVA DEOMI, Cia ys woe da 135, 141 
CLAN ATIM a tes vo ec os ae ah 50, 115 


Dampier-Vitiaz Straits 
145, 146, 147, 155, 160, 161, 162, 164, 167 


ANC Wa Sohn. ate aha ee es 16 
dead scult niirue, siiack es scorn trek 134 
decoration; bodily: s.ci4') fs. fey 15 

Shigiier i.e see sew ee eae 16 
Dentrecasteaux linguistics.......... 166 
determinant compounds........... STC 


178 INDEX. 
PAGE. PAGE 
dictionaries, Melanesian languages... 3 | g-ng mutation........... 0. ee 34 
disguise, women as men.......... 16 | Galavi linguistics... .:.... 107 gee 165 
DIWALTE Ole PS OE ERO SEe Pais eae 140 | Galoma linguistics... ... > seen 163, 168 
Dobu linguistics......... 161, 162, 166, 167 | Geelvink Bay, Malay raids......... 10 
ODUM ES iee oe ek fn ene ee eles 52 | ghosts, Solomon Islands... (23 ee 129 
GOUbIs CONSONANCS. (2.0 5. eae vee 27 | Graget........... 0:7 >see 17 
LIGUIG LINCUISTICS 22+ 2 oi eee 163 | STAVE... 2.6 os a wes one ee A 14 
drum, kava culture....... 135, 140 |. Guadalcanar, kava. . «1... eee 153 
bal penple vers sa, wie aie cs eee 128 matrilineal descent... . 129 
BOCIEL Vos Heath ah clas wot eae 156 Dig... «++ ss sh ee 80 
dutks food staple: es <5 dea as E21: PUES ois va sve s ws os 0 84, 144 
CHIpliCaGlON see Beate one av arene ee 27,75 
h, obliteration: ..:.. ...2.) yee 96 
earthatiake j60 lin. cies tae ee ee 12 Sissano Use. cs,....5 +. oe ee 27 
Easter Island. DOW.5.4.2.0 Gee eee I4I vowel mutation. ..... 2.0 eee 42 
StACUOS «inane eee 141 | h-dk mutation. ...... J) 02. 97 
Eddystone Island, betel people ..... 134>| h-r mutation.....i..... see 97 
Efaté dictionary... ue ee ee eee 7 1 h-s mutation......../... «see 96 
AVON. abies ae ee eee 124 | A-sh mutation......... 2... Gee 96 
Hitané sae sien Pedic ie ee aes 11,13 | A-t mutation. .........5 pee 97 
Chane ted eh te Chern) ce Deen ene 52. | k-th mutation........... 4529 eee 96 
eliaki Gee. ive koe eee ate ae 20 | hain. a. sk es hae Su ee 15 
Kpii Kava ceiesk Gok cee eas eee 124 | hanging. ........a: .s0e ee 78 
Eromangs | kavaie ok eee. 124, 125 |: hates... pads ss os 0 sa eee ee 14 
evolution. of speech ice sue eae r1z1 | head hunting... ..... }7e eee 134 
CXOPAINY. see hts ieee cd Cee 156 | house, burial: ./....... pee 14 
circumcision... ..0.. sue eee 14 
J phoneticoccergice a> Ma, 6 cee 23 Spirit... <. +s ss eee eee 13,14 
Fh SULA ON acne rye eeeeed maeeee fie 48 TYPOS ..6 wick. ks cheep 15 
oe8 SOUR OR Ls. eek oe ae ee 48 | Hula lingttistics......2 4.24. =e 163 
fet 2 WUUIER LION aie cne ie ote ee aoe 50 
Fagani, Polynesian influence........ 154 | index finger exploration............ 21,22 
TL WO pe Soe EER Coe Pee aR eS 45,106 | Indonesia, language check-list....... 149 
family unit classification........... 156 Polynesian element...... 173 
FORMS cho Sth Ol, eae One ade 40, 105 race identification....... 2 
FOI sa ce ea ae ae 46,107 |, infants ic...40.6. .eeee oe oe Ly 
feud fia es eee ae ee 72) AOA se ok ee 118 
feasts ia tucik lneie wie ad ata ee eae 13, 16 |. inhumation. ........ .: 9+ 205 14 
Fiji, DOW costs 42 ee ee Ce ee 140 | initiation.......... 2.45. —en eee 76 
culturaldivisions: ee ee 156 | iron adopted. .......\. «sss ee 12 
kava. .S poi eee 1245:127,437 1 25s. os ov ola as et 84,144 
matrilineal descent............ 130 
DIE wc de ateihga alee Re la ee 80 | Jewish features... ....,..seeeeeeee ry 
Samoa! intercourse. «o/.4 <seelr 64 | Jobi, Malay raids. ....... ae 10 
fillet, kaya cultuteh. 2.0. eee 135, 141 
final ‘consonants. (7.442 4 eee eee 24| .k, abrasion....2..: .\:6 010 > eee 33,90 
Vowels (2 As nee t eee 22 Pitt Aal ocd ak vcs bteve a 5 22, 110, 119 
TPG fo uta Shee tg aly A ee 14 possessive suffix....,... 00s 22 
fish; food: staple: ..)..’:c 4s 44h eee 12 | k-nk mutation......... 0. oo eee 34 
Florida, matrilineal society......... 129 |-k-r mutation....:...... Gana 74 
ites. se « Pps nln ee ee TA ROG 5s ha oe oe ele es a a 36, 104 
JOE CoH See Fe Soha eee ees eee 97,147 | Kaiser-Wilhelmsland...........2.., 10 
FOO Sis Sy sick SRL Male abe Ek ice eae 16,17.1. kalak.. 3. 4.5.'.... 006s 53, 117 
tabtts 200465 tae ee eee ae ae So) Kanivaroo: «osc. ss. 9) = noah te 16 
Fotunaykavaiye wee ne eee ee 124 | Kapingamarangi, Polynesian com- 
fowl kava cultuse: 22327...55. ae 135, 140 munity... 3 2.42 «hel 155, 169 
framboesia’ ccs eee ween See 17 ‘| kappation. ........:..:>n05 80a 33,90 
Friederici, Georg; Melanesian langu- 1 a 39 
OPCS ol ee ae Git) RGU. os. hc ae 2 5 os ml 31, 104 
phonetic reliability 11,19 | kava, Banks Group............... 77 E24. 
Sissano vocabulary 9 Ceremony. .....s..4 05 see 136 
{uUNerary Pigs ni ee ee eee 76 chewing... :.. <<< «) eee 126, 136 
culture. .... 2.0. 05'.)25 ee 153 
g; Proto-Polynesian .. 2... ane ee 148 Indonesia. .... «i. «55 Seen 144 
Anal Ve i eae es, ee eee 72 (2) POE ee 138 
OR. DUItatiON, +7 keane. few eee 34 libation....; «|; ¢¢<eee 136 


INDEX. 


PAGE. 
kava—continued. 

Melanesian. ak. Osea eee 141 
people. ove liet ae 71, 80, 128, 129, 138 
Polynesian source..:........- 142 
Pat Onisine pee es hy ee ee aes 126 
religious custom........... 136, 143 
FOOT oo oes cre cle 138 
Solomon Islands........... 130, 142 
time of preparation.......... 138 
SEU I SPOUSE re Lait aec ee 136 
mermnrseer Clit SttStiCs. cS. 56 3)6cc a bees 163 
es) EE “SS eee aeece a7 

Kiriwina linguistics 
160, 161, 162, 166, 167, 169 
Metered tinguistics. 0.000)... 0.05 165, 168 
Me ons ot Leb Sc sek AL ee 112 
2 5 es Se een ae toe ie 112 
Merete IOUISHICS. ... ook hi woke oh ee 165 
RRA ss ot oe. ee ite 95,146 
mwas linguistics. .........000808 165 
OOS Sh 45 
a SA a 50 
MMMRIIRETION 66. cote eee eee 75 
ee ASCTLE 
ES Se 35, 62 
ON are 4g 118 
Patines, Mielanesian..............+. 41,75 
Pea DELLE os A aN w oly tele % 41, 66 
BEG TICOIAT geile" Ps edo e'e 71 
RRR BP ero sy be ds ons 22 
LS a 22 
MN MMEENREI STL. So eS oa ey Wale ales 12 
RS erat a Oe oes ws 81 
MMMM rs es oe walla dics ca hh > Ly 
8 ee ee 16 
Oo 6 ee ree 55, 118 
TE od alos eae dedes 15 
Hos,tack, of control.......... At oT, 92575 
liquids, early acquisition........... 39 
a 72 
EE es rr rr 157 
Polynesian community.... 155 
ITN ON 6 he no's 8 Sg a Sales Ces 157 
Ee Sa ee Se 135 
Loutsiades, linguistics.............. 166 
Loyalty Islands culture............ 151 
0 nr ee 113 
me possessive sufpix............0s-%. 22 
MRMPEMRIOY. 5. 0. oS aie e 2e se lak ache % 44 
EN nae a 55 
macula mongolica oe EE es aS cs Be 17 
OO AG re a 13 
SOUS) ib ety hoa thes oles 57 
ON ey > eae Se 175 
Malanta, betel people.... as 134 
SRAWRUSI OSs. <b sree 154 
MEARE AUIS 25 °s/>,, wefan Ne os Cay 10 
ERB MATIA SAVE 5 357 tts ees oat wee 124 
DIST Sa ees Foetus Pee 80 
MOREL, > ce wound isd bo ed 57 
SR ROES Codi". , J,) Mae ie yg oh II, 14 
MNT oo as a Sag es NC ae hans 57, 119 
mrmeeareve DOW is.icskoSen cb ies eee 140 
ES ee ee eae 57, 119 


PRUETT en raat ak fy heck 71 
Warriave, classes. y porou et a 156 
foterdiction 00s. fa 78 
Pan ee eee eT ae eee So eT aT ye 13 
sistammbala: society yc) 00. .1 ed ek 130 
DECLRHEOT KAVA Luau ys geese.) 135 
IACTINEA! SOCIETY 0.406 cs en. 134, 156 
Mmesaltue Culire ib ad ae ee 141 
PAGINA y cere ks Boe PRU Le eee 12 
A CTNOT CL iris se Cerin a wey ee ee 12 
Meinhof, Carl; phonetic system 19 
WWECINIALT oe eee Ure ee eee fee 12 
MieKEO linsiiIsticay es: oi Jee. ccd 163 
Melanesia, cultural areas......... TS, a73 
discovery history 82 i 2 
immigrants. . : 123 
Indonesian influence | 
10, 103, 152 
knowledge general...... 5 
hingiistics: 7.24 eee = TOs 
migration movement..... 7 
Polynesian influence..... 152 
race diversity. .2e4 2 
race unity assumption... iS 
Subdivisions ee, 30 
Melanesian migration.............. 172 
Melanesian language, check list... . . 100 
contamination. 10 
extent.77. 29 
Melanesians, New Guinea.......... 152 
PCT MOUSCSS* hs Al iy coy is ree ak 14 
Mentawei, Islandst 5 8 Wie) SP 175 
CEI OE Meters or lek RE ny om, toe 76 
Merlav, pig.. 76 
metathesis 
M4, Si bes STP Oss Ose LiOsi 13, tissier 
Micronesia, race problems. . ae 2 
migration, maritime factors. Sa ate ne ctace 170 
successive waves........ 10 
PASIAN SUNOS. a ke ee 166 
Moava, Polynesian community 
154,155, 169 


Moiki, Polynesian community 154,155, 169 
Mongol SOOO a aa ced es ha ee 


17 
WROTE: ASC LLOMIAT gen ta, Sle te andy 5 

TTIAION ts ee 76 
MOTHEESPECCN aut ec ee 135 
AA Ofla WI iOn sos | eee oc. 2 78 
a Oteaditimiietiess ne. res ye a” 163, 168 
INORG ree Pe NT, ee Aa ae eG ke roury 
Mugula linguistics. ... j 163, 164 
Mukawa linguistics.............. 162, 164 


Murua linguistics 
160, 161, 162, 166, 167, 169 


Wilkes) Irecieney en: 26 So sc ae 26 
nasal preface....... 45, 72, 106, 148 
PROeressioti 3: |. ee 48, 54, 65 

mh. Tal cokers ets: hoes, oie kere 22,24 

POSSeSSI VE CUTIE fies ee as Sates 22 
deh TAHARI ei 8 os aa 60, 109, I19 

PicTPE STISET RUIN oe wien te enn christ Eee ok 44 

MUR IMNULATION eel ca's ss 33, 39, 44, 60 

ee TOUATIT cme ie Be eee oe 62 


Nada linguistics 160, 161, 162, 166, 167, 169 
PRIN CIVING Ge aan ee oie eae 16 


180 INDEX. 
PAGE. PAGE. 
NENSILTS eae Papl os Cope ee ee ee eae 127; 137 | POws.. 2.505 ene ne oe 121 
Hassle requencya veosna. Ces ees so 27 | Pokau linguistics:.......: ).2eeee 163 
prefaces ves vehiveles 45,72, 106,148 | Polynesia, race identification. . 2 
eb ha F Munger Silva ne ake epee deen emer 60 | Polynesian language, contamination. 10 
FLOCTO Te Wo av. t ence anne ace Ne. pe 18 extent/ Jue. 30 
TIE ee ei ails Wee ee 61,120 | population............... 7) 12 
Newhause Dre Richard: sateen 10,21 | possessive suffixes................, 22 
New britain pig it. 0 fonk GRe Migekiey 80. | ‘pottery; tin. ck. ee 14, 16, 63, 120, 157 
New Caledonia culture............. 151 | Powell, Thomas; pig in Polynesia... 70 
New Guinea, cultures.............. 152 | psychology of speech... 73aye eee 43 
dinginsticsc2cce ae eee 159 | PUARG....2. eis ees 1 68 
Melanesians.......... 167 | pul. oo... 65 fs 5) 68 
migration factors...... £59.) Pundits <.25 Widths ss) ar 175 
political subdivision... 9 | punitive expeditions............... II, 12 
Néw Hanover pig 2. cue Sa kee 81 | pupula.... ou. . ows ee 49, 114 
New Hebridean culture............ 151 
New Irelandipere a. eee 31 | g, Melanesian.......... 2... oe 38 
Negao, Polynesian influence......... 154 
Negela, Polynesian influence....... 184,155) | ¢ tivular, 0.5. 2.0). ss 45 
Nimas? 2. 0kh2:S) eee eee eee 12 | r-d mutation. ........0 eee 32,45 05o8 
MAES ng sien) UMRAO HERO Re 61,120 | r-k mtttation.......1 ..2) cee 73 
Niué,is2.. accent a eR 64\| 7-2 mutation............ . +e 74 
nose perforation..Vene eee ares 15 | ¢-s mutation...‘ ....... ...4 ee 7S 
Nuguria, Polynesian community. 155,169} rain............4:4...5 eee 81 
Wukumant loom.) css ee oe 157 | Raga linguistics. ..:..¢...) 49 165 
Polynesian community 155,169 | Ray, S. H.; Melanesian gq.......... 38 
Nukuoro, Polynesian community...155, 169 Torres Straits languages 3,6 
rebin 202... .5.>.. ia 84 
O-CU SUE LIOR Spee. eee es 46 | Reef Islands, betel. |. .; pene 124 
Oceamcat 7055-255 adie chee ee I kava... .5 2) (eee 126 
OLE Vee ie os ie eee | Polynesian community 169 
CIM INC IIStIES sree neoe ee 165 | Reindschen. ..0...22/..04.... eee 12 
Pa] Es 393 0 ae AR eR ai enor Bee 27,63, 120 | relative significations, ........ eee 21 
onomatopoeia 7... sees c ea eee 111 | Rivers, W. H. R.; History of Melane- 
OPety StGMS 1.42 cr goes wee se ae ee 23,25 sian Society. ..%5: 2) ase eee 69, 76, 124 
OPO) ea eee a ee eee 15 | Ronalung pig ancestry........ eae 76 
GU Pie he a ee 113°| Roro linguistics..:...;...4.: eee 163 
Rowe sec ec es «sv, vias ae 76 
P-no MUTAHON: ee eee ee 50 | Rubi linguistics.::... 2. . 7 eee 163 
pamting sy Ae oe eee L470 00 
PARISHAD. ot epeeits 5 Shen eee 71 | -s mutation. ...... 2... ...5 eee 36 
nalatals; frequency: +2. eae eee 26. | s-h mutation.:.......)..2. 9. res 
Panarett linguistics 2) 3 ee ee 166, 169 |, s-th mutation. 61.<%. ..2ee eee 72 
patidantys. 2 Vere ee eae eae 45°| Saa, betel people. ......>. 220.0 133 
Papita cosa 3 ee ee es eee 6,9 Polynesian influence........... 154 
Papuan and Melanesian. . : G, 308 |) BAROe wae kibct ral sts 12, 16, 55, 1kO, 032 0a0 
Parkinson, R.; Dreissig Jahre ii in der Sago adzes, . i... 2 6 « ee 12 
Siidsee une ee ee ae 3°) Samoa, Dow?) . 04 '... . fvewieeee 140 
Parrots coc ses HE eee eee 12 etiological myth....2 =men 140 
Pavar so. bee er ee eee 126%) Samoa otream....52. 0 eee 159, 169, 173 
DO te Nae GA RO ae 48,114 | San Cristoval, kava......... jeeeeee 153 
penis wrapper <; 5.1.4. .e eee 15,92 matrilineal society... . 129 
PEPE! Kp GL soon a ee eee 65, I2I PIS. ...<.ts e 80 
Petanpatapatac-s Gh eee eee 79 | Santa Cruz, betel... :..... 2 ee 124, 128 
phonetics, laws..4 ee eee III kava... sso 126 
Meinhof system......... 19 loom. 2 .....¢4.40 157 
Sissano: . 4)... eevee 23 Ce 80 
DIG SL ie ee 55,118 | Sariba linguistics.. 163, 164, 165, 167, 169 
pig, hermaphrodite); e.se eee 78,79 | Savo, matrilineal society........... 129 
jawbones, ids eee ee ap ge fe. | vate td 14d VA gee” II, 12, 13, 14, 20.0g eee 
kaya cultures. oer eee 135;140. 1) secret societies, -. i. 125, 127; 126713 g sen 
Migration. index:2/.0... “eee Ou esel.., .. coe ee oe 84 
PIZEON i Bee heey ee 12,78 | semivowel, compensatory........... 51,54 
pile building obs hint Mie nite RUA ok ee ee 15 frequency ...5)/)) ssn a7 
DIPID se eek he EEO eee 65191 intrusion. .. 22) eee 49 
platform houses... 6220 vee ee ESN) DEL daee ea Ane ee i 


INDEX. 181 
PAGE. PAGE. 
MUPMETIRIDIC. oc ce cbs se. eae 27 | Torres Straits migration 
shell money..... 6,77, 78, 79, 80, 135, 140 39,73) 155; 162, 164) 168 
¢ 79, 77, 79, 79 35,14 : 4 
aia.» 5 ass idl od Men Ae 16, 36 | totemism, Solomon Islands......... 129 
ee oe A Ngo er ee 2 trade-wind, canoe sailing........... 155 
Sikaiana, Polynesian community.. 155,169 | Trobriand Islands linguistics.. 160, 161, 162 
Sinaugoro linguistics............. TORMRGCH MeL UasIOLl DOW) is eo kaseee bee a ice 140 
EPS” el a aia Oe ean tee Dn 16 | Tubetube linguistics. 163, 164, 165, 167, 169 
MAES a Lb thd oie he bins BST RCLL er sR cs © Sie wiads nd dios sg eRe e > 89 
Sissano, contamination............. 10 
discovery history.......... Pe oe et Me 95, 146 
BOCADUUALYicRanee ee vis waits: 19 | Ulawa, betel people.............. 129, 133 
skull. . if BRETT busy ia). ug ds, a! neh Rint e ada verte bererayta te 13, 14 Polynesian (Hiitien Cee 154 
os Iona ae ica US Dg Tt Sen oe oe ay 0 SLUR ie bey oR 87, 146 
ee see ale a eee vie ceo eR ATS | oer SS pte gee ee CUA ee : 30 
Solomon Islands, betel people....... SAN 8 aot A SU APE Oe Sie Gh 63, 120 
CUlERRe n.d + maeke RG elt es ot Pn, A Gs oan ea te 8 
Ss. aie ee ness bs en PACADBULIEOI erat hoist act ecne e 
wepecch plrychology................ Ha Unt LIN tisties se.) oe ka ok ei 163 
Re Soo oc co leg alee ee be mye ie iia tied Welty o5 4% so slice cee ee 14 
Re eis ew ow Ke e's Sie eens Tay SPRUE ee CUR ONY ess eens 73 
RISO del eb se dee cae pees as 135 
ee euistics ide Calida 5 hy ee PALONOTICH IT ace sash ct vie eho Cee 23 
cE SG) OE CEES RC 2 a vat ba 2 DN. ¥ Lal aA SDN ROR gen © peal Sects tah 8 I 
subsidence Waropu lagoon......... 121% TE AS, SLM R SE ie Ca kee 
Meee noscessive.._... . te A 99, 147 
ewe ly 84, 144 NARI EOTO GEG ae ce dee ebro «4 124,128 
2.4 5 0 G 3-340) 5 Dl ORDEngE Gee: :s Shee ne aro ; 6. 128 
oe er 76, 125, 129 Seat hear eon heey sass 
: : ; DIS tox iebacax esa oben cee tone 80 
hae = eee Gee ae PV arerited MWe Baty: ba), Scene eeee 76 
. AS og at Ie aa 7 | Vaturanga, Polynesian influence.. 154, 155 
Bwecommine board......)......:.... 17 Verge islands 137, 153 
ate ee ete. mUleNiUlRerienti at 0 52.0 o> Saas 92 
ea ES allele aerial 3 Ree ae re eee ge 159, 173 
o 4s TELAT SOUL ALES € a atobwk in a ae ae ee 73 
ees a enema, Piame eer ss he : VOCAMUIATY, CLTOES aos dices acess. ole ween 20 
So SESS RE Via ee eae CORRE acrid a regain 5 
Png mutation..................... PU eG pitas. eke pee hte kc oe Ae 92 
a a ee 87 vowel fixit 41 
tabu, circumcision period........... ta eters A eAatahak UO Bik Pence 22, 95 
removal price Re eee nul ka! 78 eae Pe Ww Be ae a Le) ee ce a C8 ee, 6) 6 ey) ae é 8S) 6 ey ® 95 146 
Solomon Islands A ee ae 12 9 ah s7 ee veV ale) OMe) bl ei e Miura ala (@) eee ef 6 ¢ V, aie. 's, “etiens , 
emeniadingnistics................. 166 ; 
a a 140 ena cin o +e swlo ob tk a0 6 dais. « Binle ao ah 
So ee ee os 50, 115, 133 AKEL. eee ee ee ee eee eee cece eens - 
Se 79,129 | Wampum....... Sens ere win Ath a shan ale e5 
MEADE, SR oo. ee le ek 36 | Wango, Polynesian influence...... 154,155 
0 Te 124, 125, 135 rece ete e eee ee eee eee eens ui ey = 
RI Sh kee we es 86 ALOPU vee we ee a eae aes PAPE Ss Tiss 
emene II TUISHICS .. 2... 5 nc sc. 165 | Water supply................0..5- AZ 
Tauu, Polynesian community Se 155, 169 weaving . TOLMER CA SIGUE CP Satna TE TSG LG EAS 157 
maverd tngiistics...........6... 164, 165 et linguistics..............5+. 
0 RE ge) Oi toe 0 a 17 | WEMAK...... 6... eee eee eee eee eee 
feet plackening.....02:.......... 15 | Wesch..................ee ee eee. iad 
tenan sehcntt wok OAS an, RARE CBA RO OORT CORON, © 99, 147 
J Petey ae le ws his sete ee ea ae 87,145 i 6 
Tikopia, betel culture........ 124, 128,132 | Women, battle duty................ . 
kava culture.... 127, 130, 132, 133 eA ai oe BT ee: ; 4 
TN a ee ee i 80 CLOUNINE TEAST... 6-2 eee ees 
Polynesian community. Pro t.4 4 169 Tiree cc rude tiene cites 15 
sago ee OE Pita ane Mare 123; 139 hat a) 7 016) 6) 0) (0) © le! 0.0) Oa) wie se) 80) Be ore 14 
00 ea A? ae ae 87, 146 houses.....-.-. +++ sees ae 
oS ee) en 87, 133, 145 potters..........-+- +e eee. s 
BO ea 88,146 | wounded....................0005. 16 
EASON Sa i cia bon Bese oh 17 Nihari Wilhelm.............-.4-- e 
Rg 52 5 6 8 he PORE els ve ted 88, 146 ULCERS 2 stasis Se di slesituis Bob sin oie ein) én 8 
REE 22). . a. sume s a «aie ea 140 
moneatits migration....)......... PN AMES BV ARTI ate ceed ite kes te eons 22 
forres Islands, culture............: Pete A Vellow aint. oe: tates cierolase-ont ss 14, 15 
ANA eee 124,125,126 | Ysabel, matrilineal society......... 129 








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Melanesian influence—gener. 


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11, 25, 28, B® 
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—-—-—- 72, 99 





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MIGRATION TRACKS IN MELANESIA. 



















Pare aie 
- CHART XVII 


Ce 





4 


POLYNESIAN 
; . DISPERSION 








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MIGRATION TRACKS IN INDONESIA. : 











SISSANO 


MOVEMENTS OF MIGRATION WITHIN 
AND THROUGH MELANESIA 


UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY 


ae JAN 24 1917 
WILLIAM CHURCHILL 





THe CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON 
WasHINGTON, 1916 

















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